Israeli and Palestinian peacemakers bring message of hope for a better future

In the shadow of war, trauma, and deepening divisions, it may seem unfathomable to talk about hope —let alone peace. Yet amid the rubble of October 7 and the devastating 18 months that have followed in Gaza, two voices are daring to speak of a different path.

Later this month, Israeli peace negotiator Gershon Baskin and Palestinian political leader Samer Sinijlawi will address Australian audiences as guests of the New Israel Fund, in a conversation titled Negotiating Peace: How to salvage a two-state solution.

Gershon Baskin was a negotiator in the release of Gilad Shalit and is a researcher of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and peace process. Samer Sinijlawi is Head of International, Israeli and Diplomatic relations (Fatah Shadow Leadership) and Chairman of the Jerusalem Development Fund. Their message is both radical and simple: peace is possible, but only if we build it together.

I spoke with Baskin and Sinjwali from Jerusalem ahead of their visit, which will include events in Sydney and Melbourne.

Firstly, why are they choosing to travel to a country so far removed from the day-to-day realities of the conflict?

“We do have an obligation to speak about peace everywhere,” Sinjwali answered. “Most of our time is focused on convincing Israelis and Palestinians to trust each other again, to believe that coexistence is possible. But we also need to deliver this message to the Jewish community around the world and the Palestinian diaspora.”

Baskin agreed. “Any opportunity for the two of us to spend time together is valuable. We think, we plan, we strategise. But it’s also about the message. When people see an Israeli and a Palestinian working side by side, it breaks the myth that there’s no partner for peace on the other side.”

Baskin also hopes to use the visit to urge Australia to recognise the State of Palestine, joining 147 UN member states that already do. “If you support a two-state solution, you need to recognise both states,” he said. “Put up or shut up.”

This message of principled pragmatism carries particular urgency now, as both men acknowledge the profound trauma experienced by Israelis on October 7 and the unprecedented devastation in Gaza since. For Baskin, who has been critical of the war from its early days, the facts are inescapable.

“We Jews often equate between genocide and the Shoah. So first, I want to say what's happening in Gaza is not the Shoah. It is not a systematic extermination of a people. But according to how genocide is defined in international law, Israel is committing genocide in Gaza. Israel has committed war crimes in Gaza and crimes against humanity in Gaza, and we're doing it every day. Even Netanyahu himself has said of the 50,000 people Israel has killed, 20,000 of them were Hamas combatants.

“That means we killed 30,000 people who are not Hamas combatants. And we know from the statistics that 17-18,000 of them were children. We have wiped out Gaza. We have wiped out the infrastructure. We have wiped out the schools, the universities. The public institutions. There is nothing left in Gaza physically This is a genocide in terms of how genocide is defined. We need to confront that. This is the darkest period in our history. And it will bite us. For a very long time.”

Asked about the cause of this war, Baskin replied: “There's no doubt October 7 was the most traumatic event that happened to the Jewish people and to Israel since the Holocaust. There's no question about it, we're still traumatised.”

For Sinjwali, October 7 is a wound committed by Hamas that will not easily heal. “In the Israeli collective memory, we Palestinians were barbarians that day,” he acknowledged. “And in our memory, Israel committed genocide in Gaza. We need to live with these twin truths.”

And yet, both men insist that these traumas must become starting points — not stopping points — for a new kind of dialogue.

I asked Sinjwali how he would respond to the widespread fear among Israelis that any future Palestinian state could lead to more violence.

“We Palestinians need to start seeing the conflict through Israeli eyes,” he replied. “From that perspective, it’s about one word: security. If I can convince Israelis that we are not a threat — that our national interest includes their security — then we can begin to build trust.”

Baskin added that fear cannot be addressed with fences alone. “Walls won’t bring us peace. What will [bring us peace] is a change in the paradigm — from one of separation to one of reconciliation. Peace is not a piece of paper signed by leaders; it’s what’s taught in schools, spoken in homes, and practiced in daily life.”

So where does the reconciliation begin?

“Every Israeli should learn Arabic from grade one, and every Palestinian should learn Hebrew,” Baskin proposed. “That’s not controversial — it’s essential.”

Sinjwali agrees that education is critical but argues that real change must begin from the top. “We’ve engineered meetings between Israeli and Palestinian leaders, including Ehud Olmert and [former Palestinian foreign minister] Nasser al-Qudwa. The psychological barrier was the hardest part. But once they met, they quickly reached a shared proposal.”

Their proposal, released at a meeting with the Pope last October, called for a two-state solution based on the 1967 borders with a 4.4% annexation of the West Bank by Israel, and with land swaps and a corridor linking Gaza and the West Bank. Their agreement supported then President Biden’s plan for a Council of Commissioners to govern Gaza and prepare for elections, along with a temporary Arab Security Presence. Jerusalem would be divided, with the Old City managed by an international trusteeship.

Sinjwali recalled a recent meeting with an Israeli minister, a religious man from a centrist party, who had never met a Palestinian before. “This is the leadership making decisions about our future, yet they don’t even know us. We must give leaders the opportunity to learn about the other side.”

The conversation also returned often to the role of the Diaspora—especially in Australia. Both men believe that Jews and Palestinians abroad have a responsibility not only to support peace, but to avoid importing conflict into their communities.

“Often Diaspora communities are more extreme than people here,” Baskin warned. “Sometimes they’re more Zionist than Ben-Gvir. That’s dangerous. You can be a proud supporter of Israel and still support a solution.”

Sinjwali added that visiting Australia is not only a moral obligation — it’s also an opportunity to learn. “I’ve never been to Australia. It’s one of the few places I haven’t visited. I want to understand Australian culture, history, politics. This is a learning experience for me.”

On the topic of Aboriginal and Palestinian comparisons, both men offered nuanced views. Baskin acknowledged the injustices inflicted upon indigenous Australians and said Israel could learn from Australia’s recognition of Aboriginal history. But he cautioned against drawing direct parallels.

“British colonialism in Australia is not the same as Zionism. Zionism is a return to an ancestral homeland. But we should still recognise the history of others and take responsibility for past wrongs.”

Sinjwali was less equivocal. “We Palestinians and Israelis both belong here. Maybe we spent 70 years fighting over who belongs more. It’s time to work on how we both equally belong.”

The  conversation ended on a practical, urgent note: how to combat the rising tide of antisemitism in Australia and elsewhere, a trend both men attribute in part to conflation between criticism of Israel and hatred of Jews.

“We must draw a clear line,” said Baskin. “Antisemitism is always illegitimate. Criticism of Israel is legitimate — and necessary.”

Sinjwali echoed this sentiment. “We must fight all discrimination together — antisemitism, Islamophobia, racism of all kinds. Otherwise, we harm our cause.”

As we finished our discussion, I was struck by the stubborn determination that animates both of these men. Baskin and Sinjwali do not deny the darkness. They have seen it up close. But they also believe that even now — especially now — peace is possible.

“It’s time,” Sinjwali said, “for a peace of no choice. We Palestinians can’t survive 75 more years of conflict. And neither can the Israelis.”

This sentiment was echoed in comments made later by Michael Chaitow, Executive Director of the New Israel Fund Australia. “In the context of the ongoing Gaza war and assault on Israel's democracy by the current far-right wing government, it's critical we hear from leaders like Baskin and Sinjwali.

“Between them, these two experts have first-hand experience negotiating hostage releases and advocating for peace, even when their respective leaders have shown little interest. They demonstrate that a better future is possible when we work together. We know this is the message Australians want to hear in this critical moment and the tangible actions they are taking will no doubt bring hope to us all."

Negotiating Peace: How to salvage a two-state solution

Gershon Baskin and Samer Sinijlawi will be in conversation in Sydney on May 28 and Melbourne on May 29. CLICK HERE FOR TICKETS