An alternative vision for defeating Hamas 

The vision of the Zionist right for defeating Hamas is well known. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu outlined it very clearly at his cabinet meeting on March 31. The government's plan for defeating Hamas relies on sustained military and diplomatic pressure, which he claims is already yielding results.  

Netanyahu’s strategy involves "pounding Hamas's military and governing capabilities" while simultaneously creating "the conditions for releasing our hostages." In the final stage, "Hamas will lay down its weapons," its leaders will leave, and Israel will ensure security in Gaza while allowing "the realization of the Trump plan for voluntary migration."  

The Zionist left is deeply discomforted by this vision, but what is its alternative? 

Eran Etzion outlined it to a group from The Democrats, a new centre-left political party formed from the remains of Labor and Meretz and led by Yair Golan. Etzion is an Israeli diplomat who served as an advisor during the Oslo negotiations and is on The  Democrats leadership council. 

He proposes implementing Phases Two and Three of the Hostage Deal, an agreement already signed by Netanyahu and Hamas on January 18. This deal would ensure the immediate release of all Israeli hostages while simultaneously ending the war and hopefully paving the way for prompt elections in Israel. 

Another key element of the plan is the establishment of a multinational force, potentially comprising Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Jordan, and the UAE, with leadership under the Palestinian Authority.  

Etzion emphasized that the Palestinian leadership he envisions is not a government from other Arab countries but rather a Palestinian government that has the backing of the people, including some who are beginning to rise up against Hamas.   

Etzion argues Hamas would be unlikely to be able to resist the combination of Palestinian leadership and pan-Arab support and would be forced to relinquish power. This is not only because Hamas has been weakened by the war but also because the terrorist organisation has expressed, both publicly and privately, its willingness to relinquish control of Gaza to a Palestinian-led force, as it does not want the burden of civilian governance.   

The plan envisions a transitional government in Gaza that would initially function without elections. Hamas would not be included in this government, unlike in Lebanon where Hezbollah is a partner in government.  

A crucial aspect of the strategy involves rebuilding Gaza. The transitional government would oversee the distribution of financial aid from donor nations to facilitate reconstruction efforts as outlined by the $53 billion plan proposed by Egypt to rebuild Gaza.  

Etzion acknowledged the challenges of explaining this approach to Israelis. However, he argued that if it were presented as part of a broader regional initiative, including normalization with Saudi Arabia, it could be politically viable.  

"In any case, there is no real alternative here,” he said. “[Netanyahu’s] solution is not really a solution at all. It is to retake Gaza, which we did from 1967-2005, and to continue having our sons and daughters, and their children and even grandchildren fighting there forever to maintain military rule over Gaza and then eventually to force a transfer of all Palestinians from their homes. This, of course, will not happen. And if it does, it will split the people of Israel, divide the army, and destroy the peace agreement with Egypt." 

Etzion believes the fate of Gaza and the resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict should be the central issue in the next elections. Israelis will be presented with a clear choice: annexation and settlements or separation and a path to peace.  

While he acknowledges the centre-left’s vision depends on political will on both sides, Elzion claims, “The bigger problem today is on our side. That is why replacing Netanyahu is essential in the next election. The next government must abandon the failed policies of 'managing the conflict' and instead adopt a mindset focused on permanently solving it." 

But a reformed Palestinian Authority is also a a key player in this strategy. Steps to build the transitional government and the inter-Arab force that would take over Gaza after Hamas are already underway. In September 2024, Saudi Arabia launched the Global Alliance for Implementation of the Two-State Solution, together with Norway and the EU. Now comprising 85 countries—including China, Russia, and the U.S. (but not Israel)—the Alliance has held summits in Cairo, Riyadh, and Oslo to work on detailed plans for a new security and governance framework that would provide both Palestinians and Israelis with security and freedom. 

A January survey by Israel's Institute for National Security Studies asked about Israeli support for a "regional arrangement including a peace agreement with Saudi Arabia, building a regional coalition against Iran, and a path toward separation from the Palestinians, backed by the Trump administration and moderate Arab states." The findings were remarkable: 71% of Israelis supported the idea.  

Another poll conducted the same month by the aChord Research Institute at Hebrew University found that when given the choice between "promoting a regional political-security arrangement that includes normalisation with Arab states, including Saudi Arabia, and agreeing to establish a Palestinian state" or "promoting full annexation of the West Bank," 60% of Israelis preferred the former, while only 31% favored the latter. 

If those preferences are reflected at the ballot box, the vision of the centre-left could become the policy of the Israeli government.