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HomeRead, Watch, ListenAustralia
Israel Hamas WarOpinionAustraliaIsrael

Don’t blame Albanese for declining Australia-Israel relations

The Liberal Party is correct in claiming Australia’s relations with Israel are at their lowest point ever. The real questions are who is responsible, and how much does it matter?
Dennis Altman
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Israel ambassador to Australia Amir Maimon

Israel’s Ambassador to Australia Amir Maimon must manage declining relations between Australia and Israel (AAP Image/Mick Tsikas)

Published: 3 September 2025

Last updated: 3 September 2025

Shortly after the Hamas attacks of October 2023, President Biden cautioned Israel against overreacting in their response. At that stage, few anticipated the scale of the Israeli carnage in Gaza nor the extent to which this would galvanise global protests by millions of people who had never been involved in the issue.

If Australian relations with Israel are declining, this is because the government has, slowly and it seems reluctantly, followed public opinion. The long-term damage to Israel’s reputation is enormous and clearly ignored by the Netanyahu government, whose language becomes increasingly strident as support for them declines both at home and abroad.

The images of mass devastation in Gaza and increasing settler violence on the West Bank mock Israel’s claim of being a fellow democratic society. Yes, within the borders of Israel, there is a functioning (if imperfect), democratic system—even The Economist Democracy Index rates Israel as a ‘flawed democracy’. But Israel effectively controls the lives of seven million Palestinians on the West Bank and Gaza who lack the rights of Israeli citizens. Whether we term this apartheid or not, it undermines any claim that Israel is a genuine democracy. Meanwhile, within Israel itself, there is mounting pressure to reduce the rights of non-Jewish citizens, despite Arab Palestinians making up twenty per cent of the country’s population.

Netanyahu claims to be “fighting a war on behalf of Western civilisation”, but in reality, he is defending an ethno-nationalist state—one that stands in stark contrast to the values most Australians associate with multiculturalism. It is not surprising that Israel counts among its supporters’ leaders like Hungary’s Viktor Orban and India’s Narendra Modi, whose own politics emphasise forms of ethno-nationalism.

Australia's role

The current conflict indeed is one where Australia can only play a minor role. I understand why some people question the lack of equivalent moral outrage over the crises in Sudan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Myanmar. The key difference is that, in those conflicts, there are no influential Australian political or media figures supporting the forces responsible for mass murder and repression.     

Hard-nosed realists on the right would argue that even if all this is true, it is in Australia’s interests to ally with the United States in support of Israel, as if echoing their position would transport Albanese to the inner sanctums of Mar-a-Lago. The fact that Foreign Minister Wong has carefully aligned Australia with the vast majority of Western states—Britain, France, Canada, Germany, Spain–seems of no interest to the Liberal Party.

In the Weekend Australian [August 23-4], it was argued that Australia must protect a “crucial friendship”. Certainly, there are certain areas of technology and surveillance where Israel might be of use. But Israel matters far less to Australia than the major countries of our region. It’s puzzling that so little of the debate has considered how our position on Israel might play out in Indonesia and Malaysia.

Recognising Palestine

Symbolic though it may be, recognition of a Palestinian state remains a vital step in rejecting Israel’s clear aim of exerting permanent control over the entire territory. This project has involved dispossession and de facto ethnic cleansing in the West Bank.  I have attended several pro-Palestinian rallies and am struck by the gap between many of the speakers and the people who turn up, increasingly in tens of thousands. To hear such recognition dismissed, as I did last Sunday in Melbourne, is to despair at the Palestinian movement’s ability to build broader public support. A two-state solution may now be close to impossible — but this is primarily due to the actions of Israel, not those advocating for recognition.

Any settlement of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict requires an acceptance on both sides that there is now a roughly equal number of both peoples occupying the disputed land, and Israel, as the dominant power, needs to find ways to allow for Palestinian equality.

I am distressed by Jewish voices that put their tribal loyalty above any acknowledgement of the fundamental injustice of Israeli policy. Something is unnerving about seeing people sitting in comfort in Australia denying the evidence of carnage and starvation in Gaza or linking criticism of Israel to support for Hamas.

Fuelling antisemitism

Antisemitism is real and, yes, it is increasingly violent across the Western world, but as Rachel Shabi has pointed out in her book Off White, antisemitism often coexists surprisingly easily with support for Israel, usually alongside deep Islamophobia.

Netanyahu’s claim that Australian support for Palestine is fuelling antisemitism is just wrong. If anything, it is his insistence that the Jewish Diaspora must support every action of his violent and oppressive regime that is fuelling antisemitism.

The Liberal Party has badly misread both the situation in Palestine and the shifts in Australian public opinion. Fellow conservatives, such as the leaders of Canada, Germany and New Zealand, can move away from unconditional support for Israel. Why is it so difficult for a party whose leader once chaired the Parliamentary Friends of Palestine?

This article was first published by the Australian Institute of International Affairs.

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About the author

Dennis Altman

Dennis Altman

Dennis Altman is Vice Chancellor's Fellow at LaTrobe University. His most recent books are God Save the Queen: the strange persistence of monarchies, Death in the Sauna, and Writing My World.

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Comments1

  • Avatar of David Jackson

    David Jackson3 September at 06:43 am

    Denis, great article, I concur with most of it. I don’t deny the carnage in Gaza. Neither of us have had to prosecute a war, the carnage seems to be disproportiante to the events of Oct 7, 2023. This is a war and I have to pick a side. I know what my parents had to endure in WWII. My response to Gaza is that no longer should the Jews be the door mat of history, whereby we are picked upon evicted from places that once welcomed us including in our own land. When we are attacked as we were on October 7 2023, Israel has every sovereign right to regain and protect it’s citizens from those that attacked it, otherwise it be repeated again and again as the history of the Jews depicts. Anything less would be rewarding the terrorists.