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Opinion

‘The scenes are horrific: anarchy by gangs on both sides, while we look on in despair’

Mike Benn
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Published: 21 May 2021

Last updated: 4 March 2024

MIKE BENN: The violence between Jewish and Arab Israelis is no less an existential threat than terrorism; only a unity government can reconcile Israeli society

ALTHOUGH BORN AND BRED in Perth, I have spent the last 40 years, two-thirds of my life, living in Israel. Not since the tragic assassination of Yitzhak Rabin has any other event had such an impact on the future of Israeli society as what has occurred in Israel over the last week or so.

 I am not talking about the present conflict with Hamas in the Gaza Strip. It is pure semantics whether this is merely an “operation” or a “war”; the carnage on both sides is the same, no matter how one defines it. However, it should be noted that the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) has a known policy of giving advance warning for civilians to evacuate, before destroying a building.

Despite this, in these cases it is impossible to prevent the deaths of a number of women, children and the elderly, when Hamas bases its military infrastructure deep within densely populate civilian urban areas. This is in stark contrast to the Hamas strategy of targeting the civilian, non-military Israeli population.

At the time of writing of this article, I cannot prophesise what will be the short-term outcome of this conflict. But it is reasonable to assume that within days to weeks, there will be some sort of ceasefire, at which time both sides will claim “victory” … and then we’re back to Square One, with only a matter of time before the next round.

This is not to belittle the short-term effect of rocket barrages on Israel. It is not easy for me to sit in our homes bomb shelter with my young grandchildren, in the middle of the night, waiting for the all-clear sign to return to our “normal” lives. I should point out that I live in central Israel and not in one of the settlements surrounding the Gaza Strip.

the events that frighten most Israelis are those in our own backyard, between the Jewish and ARAB IsraeliS, both of whom are (theoretically) equal citizens

But the events of the last few days that frighten and worry most Israelis are those occurring closer to home, in our own backyard – the relations between the Jewish Israeli and Arab Israeli populations – both of whom are (theoretically) equal citizens of the State of Israel.

Forget the broader issue of the Israel-Palestinian conflict. The issue at hand here, is our relations with our neighbours. This is no less an existential threat than that of terrorism or the danger of an Iranian nuclear attack.

Over the last few days, the scenes on TV from the streets of Israeli towns and cities, are nothing less than horrific. Synagogues being set on fire; an Arab being dragged from his car and then kicked and beaten by Jewish thugs, while Jewish bystanders cheer them on; a Jewish driver mistakenly enters an Arab village and he, too, is dragged from his car and beaten; cars of Jewish Israelis are scorched one after the other; Arab-owned shops in a predominantly Jewish town are vandalised. Pure anarchy being orchestrated by extremist gangs on both sides, while we look on in despair.

It is irrelevant to play “the blame game and try and work out who or what triggered this chain of events. At this stage, the cycle of events has created its own momentum, with local security forces appearing to have only a semblance of control.

Whereas the conflict in Gaza (rockets in one direction and aerial bombing in the other) may be over soon, the anarchy in Israeli towns, villages and cities is going to have a much greater long-term effect on the future of Israeli society. Israeli Arabs constitute about 20% of the Israeli population – a substantial minority.

So what does the future hold for us? Here are some of the potential scenarios I can see: (Full disclosure: dating back to my Habonim youth movement days, I still consider myself a proud centre-leftist)

SCENARIO A Deport every Israeli Arab from the borders of the State of Israel. Only Jews will live in Israel. Although most Israelis would not even consider this as an option, there are some on the extreme right (represented in today’s Knesset) who may welcome this as an honourable, if not holy mission.

SCENARIO B: Less radical. Israeli Arabs can remain in Israel – even as citizens – but with certain restrictions. (A sort of Orwellian Animal Farm…all are equal, but some are more equal than others.) I vehemently disagree with the assertion that Israel is an apartheid state. However, this plan, would definitely be the model for the beginning of an apartheid state.

In 2018, the Israeli legislature passed the Nation-State Bill which states that “the right to exercise national self-determination in Israel is “unique to the Jewish people”. While this is not apartheid, it definitely legislates some as being more equal than others.

SCENARIO C: The least radical. Israel’s Declaration of Independence of 1948 states that the right to declare the State of Israel is “the natural right of the Jewish people, to be masters of their own fate, like all other nations, in their own sovereign state”.

However, it also goes on to state that Israel “will ensure complete equality of social and political rights to all its inhabitants, irrespective of religion, race or sex and will guarantee freedom of religion, conscience, language, education and culture”.

It’s about time that Israeli society faced the elephant in the room and took up the daunting challenge of creating a new social contract between Jewish and Arab Israelis.  Both groups need to accept both the rights and obligations of citizenship and equality – as outlined in the Declaration of Independence – for all its citizens.

How does one go about reversing years of distrust, suspicion and inequality from both sides? Should we take the South African model of a post-apartheid Truth & Reconciliation Commission? Or the Australian example of attempting to recognise native Australian Aborigine rights? Or do we need to develop our own Middle Eastern reconciliation model?

Whatever we choose, the first step in reconciliation is to set up a unity government. At the time of writing, the chances of forming a unity government, with parties on the right and left, as well as some or all of the Arab parties, are fading.

Parties on the Right (like Yamina) are saying that under the present circumstances and given the ongoing conflict with Gaza and on Israeli streets, it is impossible to form a government which includes Arab parties.

It is my belief that just the opposite is true. Despite the difficulties facing such a unity government, only an eclectic coalition of seemingly mismatched parties, can reconcile and save Israeli society.

An extreme right wing (or even a totally left-wing government) is not able to take into consideration and represent all its citizens. Democracy is not only about “the majority rules” (if that majority is 51%) but must also take into consideration equality for all its citizens.

How does one go about reversing years of distrust, suspicion and inequality from both sides? The first step is to set up a unity government

The rehabilitation of Israeli society can only be carried out by a diverse government coalition, with all its drawbacks.

They say “it’s darkest before the dawn”. I can only hope that after these dark hours of madness and mayhem, we will see the dawn of a new era and a rejuvenated, positive social contract between all of Israel’s citizens.

READ MORE

Israel has abandoned all its citizens, not just its Arab ones (Haaretz)

ANSHEL PFEFFER: Much of the violence that erupted in ‘mixed’ Arab-Jewish cities last week was about resentment over privilege, but also poverty and inequality

Yossi Klein Halevi: Israel’s real existential threat (NYT)

Photo: TV footage shows an Israeli mob attacking a person they considered an Arab man on the seafront promenade of Bat Yam, south of Tel Aviv, May 12 (Kan 11/AFP)

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About the author

Mike Benn

Mike Benn

Mike Benn is a family physician who lives in Kfar Saba, Israel. He made aliyah in 1981 and during the first intifada, spent a significant proportion of his reserve military duties in the Gaza Strip.