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Opinion

Ben & Jerry’s boycott targets the occupied territories, not all of Israel

Dan Coleman
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Published: 27 July 2021

Last updated: 4 March 2024

DAN COLEMAN: The campaign, which makes a key but overlooked distinction, reflects shifting views on the occupation among US progressives and Jews

LAST WEEK, BEN & JERRY’S, global purveyor of Chunky Monkey and other beloved ice cream flavours, announced it would no longer sell its products in settlements in the occupied West Bank. For much of the Jewish world, the headline in Foreign Policy rang true: Israel Goes to War Again, This Time Against Ben & Jerry’s.

Personal disclosure: my own struggle with Ben & Jerry’s began in 1985 when they introduced the flavour New York Super Fudge Chunk, answering the question “how many different kinds of chunks can you fit in one pint?” With the addition of Coffee Heath Bar Crunch a year later, I was a goner.

In the decades since, my waistline has been a battleground like the French town of Fleury which changed hands between the French and Germans more than a dozen times during the First World War.

For progressive Americans, Ben & Jerry’s, founded in the 1970s by Jerry Greenfield and Ben Cohen, has long been a beacon within corporate America. They were hippie to the core, with a motto of “peace, love, and ice cream”. Their t-shirts were tie-dyed. They named flavours Wavy Gravy (for the MC of Woodstock), Cherry Garcia (for the Grateful Dead guitarist), and Imagine Whirled Peace­ (for John Lennon).

Ben & Jerry’s has been on the leading edge in numerous “values” policy areas. For many years, they capped salaries at five times the starting wage. An early entry in the opposition to GMOs (genetically modified organisms) and bovine growth hormone, Ben and Jerry’s pioneered the use of sustainably sourced ingredients and environmental packaging.

They were outspoken proponents of same sex marriage and, in 2020, Ben Cohen served as national co-chair for the presidential campaign of fellow-Vermonter Bernie Sanders.

Over the decades, the company has excelled in what I would call “flactivism”, activism conducted through the naming of ice cream flavours. Flactivism was launched in 1989 with Rainforest Crunch, which used fair trade ingredients and highlighted the assault on the world’s tropical rainforests.

More recently, they renamed Chubby Hubby to Hubby Hubby in support of same-sex marriage and introduced Yes Pecan in celebration of Obama’s 2008 victory.

Last year, Ben & Jerry’s created Change the Whirled to honour the campaign by NFL quarterback Colin Kaepernick (famous for taking the knee) for racial justice. Like Kaepernick himself, this combination of Chocolate Chip Cookie Dough and Chocolate Fudge Brownie is vegan.

Now, stepping beyond flactivism, Ben & Jerry’s has announced that “it is inconsistent with our values for Ben & Jerry’s to be sold in the Occupied Palestinian Territory’. Predictably, reactions in the Jewish community span the spectrum.

Jerry Greenfield (left) and Ben Cohen, in 2010 (Wikimedia commons)
Jerry Greenfield (left) and Ben Cohen, in 2010 (Wikimedia commons)

At one extreme is my life-long friend, a secular Jew who belongs to the Overland Park (Kansas) Jewish Community Center that was the target of an extremist attack in 2014 that killed three people. “It briefly made the news here,” he tells me. “Most people don’t care. Of course, most (including me) don’t think a whole lot about the area.”

On the other extreme is Israeli Foreign Minister Yair Lapid, who said this “decision is a shameful surrender to antisemitism, to BDS [the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions movement] and to all that is wrong with the anti-Israel and anti-Jewish discourse”’ Israel’s President, Isaac Herzog, called the boycott, “a new kind of terrorism”’

Somewhere in between lies Jeremy Ben-Ami, president of advocacy group J Street, who concluded that “Ben & Jerry’s decision is a legitimate, peaceful protest against the systemic injustice of occupation and a reminder that the settlements are, in fact, illegal under international law”.

Of course, Ben & Jerry’s action cannot really be considered a part of BDS, which calls for boycott and divestment from all of Israel. As the corporate statement makes clear, their concern is with the Occupied Palestinian Territory. They are just as clear that “we will stay in Israel”.

Over the past week, debate has swirled around relevance to the BDS, anti-Semitism, anti-Israel sentiment, and the repercussions of a raft of US state laws which outlaw boycott of Israel.

Yet, one question has been missing: why now? After all, as tuned-in as they are, the Ben & Jerry’s board would surely have been aware of the problems of the occupation at least since the First Intifada in 1988.

One question has been missing: why now? The Ben & Jerry’s board would have been aware of the problems of the occupation at least since the First Intifada in 1988.

Ben & Jerry’s decision can best be understood in the context of shifting views on the occupation among American progressives and American Jews. This shift arguably started during the 2016 presidential campaign when, for the first time, a viable candidate emerged who did not shy away from criticising Israel.

The Intercept's Zaid Jilani wrote that Bernie Sanders "stood out in contrast to other major party candidates" in his criticism of Israel's policy of settlement expansion and in his defence of self-determination, civil rights, and economic well-being for Palestinians. 

Joined by newly elected progressive members of Congress, Sanders went on to be a leading critic of the Trump-Netanyahu collaborations that diminished the prospect of a two-state solution. This year, as the conflict between Israel and Hamas raged on, scores of organisations endorsed legislation to limit military support for Israel.

A recent poll by GBAO Research found that 59% of Jewish voters support restricting military aid to Israel, while 25% consider Israel to be an apartheid state and  22% are unsure.

Surely, American public opinion and Congressional support are much more important to Lapid and Herzog than a few pints of Chunky Monkey. Although they might not acknowledge it, they likely understand that, as a 2018 analysis for the Brookings Institute concluded, “economically, a consumer boycott seems less of a credible threat than either BDS, the Israeli government, or many in the United States seem to believe”.

But American public opinion, particularly that of a Jewish community that is broadly liberal to progressive, is essential to sustain billions annually in aid – real dollars, not cookie dough – and for the US to continue to serve as a bulwark against what, at times, has been a near global consensus that seeks justice for the Palestinians.

For Ben-Ami, Ben & Jerry’s has drawn “a line in the sand between Israel and the occupation that makes perfect sense to the overwhelming majority of Jewish Americans who support a two-state solution and oppose settlement expansion”.

In the past, that majority has been obscured by the power of AIPAC and kindred conservative Jewish groups. The growth of liberal alternatives like J Street indicates that may be changing.

Ben & Jerry’s has thrown a creamy, sweet gauntlet before those who support the sustaining, expansion, and annexation of Israel’s illegal settlements. But, for those who seek real progress towards a two-state solution, it is a heartening step indeed. John Lennon, Jerry Garcia, and Wavy Gravy would surely be proud.

READ MORE
Longtime graphic designer for Ben & Jerry’s quits over settlement boycott (Times of Israel)
Why Israel is more concerned about Ben & Jerry’s than the Pegasus revelations
(Guardian)
Five states are considering sanctions on Ben & Jerry’s after West Bank pullout
(JTA)
Lapid blames failed Israeli PR for rise in antisemitism, Israel bashing
(Jerusalem Post)

Photo: An Israeli in the Ben & Jerry's ice-cream factory in the Be'er Tuvia Industrial area, Tuesday, July 20, 2021 (AP/Tsafrir Abayov)

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About the author

Dan Coleman

Dan Coleman

Dan Coleman is a former member of the Carrboro, North Carolina Town Council, and a former political columnist for the Durham (NC) Morning Herald. He is the author of Ecopolitics: Building A Green Society. He lives in Melbourne.

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