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HomeRead, Watch, ListenWorld
AnalysisWorld

Brazilian Jews treated as pawns in presidential election

Brazil goes to the polls again on 25 October. The place of Israel in that contest is deeply problematic
Karina Stange Calandrin
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Brazilian presidents

Official portraits of Former Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro and current President Luiz Lula da Silva, who will compete in a presidential election runoff on October 25 (Creative Commons)

Published: 14 October 2026

Last updated: 14 October 2026

On the night of Brazil's first-round vote, October 4, a woman stood outside Senator Flávio Bolsonaro's house in Brasília wrapped in an Israeli flag. Bolsonaro had just finished ahead of President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, 47.03 per cent to 45.16 per cent, forcing a runoff on October 25. The next morning, Benjamin Netanyahu told reporters he hoped Bolsonaro would win and restore the friendship between the two countries.

I am a Brazilian Jew and a Zionist. I believe the Jewish people have the right to self-determination in a state of their own, that Israel's existence is not a historical error awaiting correction, and that my attachment to it is part of who I am rather than a political accessory.

I also teach Israeli politics and the Arab-Israeli conflict at universities in São Paulo, and I wrote a book on Israel's 1982 war in Lebanon. Watching that flag on the evening news, I felt what many Brazilian Jews I know felt: not gratitude, but unease. The flag of a country I love had become a campaign prop, in a contest where neither side is really talking to us.

How Israel became a badge

Relations between Brasília and Jerusalem are at their lowest point in decades. In February 2024, Lula compared Israel's war in Gaza to the Holocaust; Israel declared him persona non grata; Brazil withdrew its ambassador and later declined to accept Israel's nominee for Brasília. Today, embassies in both countries are run by chargés d'affaires.

The opposition leadership read the rupture as an opportunity. Flávio Bolsonaro launched his pre-campaign in January in Jerusalem, at a government-sponsored conference on antisemitism attended by Netanyahu. In June, speaking to a Jewish audience in Buenos Aires, he promised that a Bolsonaro government would not only restore an ambassador to Israel but move Brazil's embassy to Jerusalem.

In my research, I study affective polarisation: the process by which political camps come to define themselves less by what they propose than by who they detest. Brazil is a textbook case, and Israel has been absorbed into it. For much of the governing left, hostility to Israel is now a marker of Global South solidarity. For the Bolsonarist right and its evangelical base, devotion to Israel is a marker of belonging to a global conservative family, often wrapped in an end-times theology in which Jews play a scripted role. When a country becomes a badge, its real people, Israelis and Jews alike, are reduced to extras.

Anti-Zionism and antisemitism

The Confederação Israelita do Brasil, the community's umbrella body, recorded 989 antisemitic incidents in 2025. That is fewer than the 1,788 of 2024, but 149 per cent more than the 397 of 2022, the last year before October 7. More than 80 per cent happened online. In roughly seven out of 10 cases, the hostility was voiced as anti-Zionism. The report's conclusion is sober and, I think, correct: since October 7 the hatred has not receded; it has settled in.

Those numbers have a texture. In the academic and cultural circles where I work, which lean left, “Zionist” is increasingly used not to describe a political position but as an insult, and sometimes as a polite substitute for “Jew”. Jewish students learn to stay quiet in seminars. Jewish colleagues are invited, implicitly, to pass a test: to denounce Zionism before being heard on anything else. No other group in Brazilian public life is asked to renounce a homeland before speaking.

The right offers a different trap. Its embrace is warm but conditional. Jews are welcome as symbols of Western civilisation, as allies in a culture war, as characters in someone else's prophecy. It is worth remembering that it was under Jair Bolsonaro, in 2020, that a culture secretary paraphrased Joseph Goebbels in an official video. He was sacked, but the episode showed how thin philosemitism can be when it is a tactic rather than a principle. Brazilian Jews are not a voting bloc to be won with flags, nor a constituency whose views can be read off Netanyahu's endorsements.

A Zionism that does not need permission

My Zionism has never meant endorsing whichever government sits in Jerusalem. I can mourn the murdered of October 7 and the dead of Gaza without one grief cancelling the other. I can defend Israel's right to exist and to defend itself, and still criticise how a war is fought or how a coalition governs. Israelis do this every day, loudly; they are heading to their own election this month doing exactly that. What I refuse is the demand, coming from both directions in Brazil, that I choose between my Jewishness and my judgement.

There are small signs that a different conversation is possible. A cross-party bill now before Congress, PL 1424/2026, led by Federal MP (Deputy) Tabata Amaral, would adopt the IHRA working definition of antisemitism as a reference for public policy on education and memory. The debate over the IHRA definition is legitimate, and Brazil should have it in the open. But a proposal signed by legislators from different camps is a reminder that fighting antisemitism need not be anyone's partisan flag.

Australian readers know, after Bondi, what it costs when a distant war is transplanted onto local streets. Brazil, with a Jewish community of around 100,000 in a country of 213 million, has long told itself it was immune. It is not. The danger is not only the incidents themselves, but the polarised script that turns every Jew into a stand-in for a government, either to be punished or to be paraded.

Whoever wins on October 25, Brazilian Jews will wake up the next day in the same country, sharing classrooms, offices and family tables with people who voted the other way. What I want from that country is modest. A left that can criticise Israel without making Jews answer for it. A right that can support Israel without turning Jews into props. And a public life in which being a Zionist is a position one can argue with, not an identity one must apologise for.

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About the author

Karina Stange Calandrin

Karina Stange Calandrin

Dr Karina Stange Calandrin is a Brazilian scholar of International Relations. She teaches at Ibmec São Paulo and the University of Sorocaba and completed postdoctoral research at the University of São Paulo. Her work focuses on Brazilian foreign policy, Israeli foreign policy, Brazil-Israel relations. She is the author of Bom Dia, Líbano, on Israel's 1982 intervention in Lebanon, and a columnist for Interesse Nacional.