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HomeRead, Watch, ListenAustralia
AnalysisAustralia

Islamophobia report dodges core issues: definition, Hamas

Envoy’s aim to convey Islamophobia's ‘pervasiveness and impacts’ is welcome but report holds back on adopting a definition which would address the nexus of Islamophobic and anti-Palestinian discourse.
Michael Visontay
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Islamophobia envoy Aftab Malik, PM Albanese and Multicultural Affairs Minister Anne Aly

Islamophobia envoy Aftab Malik, PM Albanese and Multicultural Affairs Minister Anne Aly at the report launch on September 12 (Bianca de Marchi/AAP)

Published: 18 September 2025

Last updated: 18 September 2025

The report into Islamophobia, released last week by the government-appointed envoy Aftab Malik, spells out in harsh detail the scale of prejudice and hostility towards Muslims in Australia.

The report is welcome. Animosity towards Muslims errupted internationally after September 11 and the extent to which it has entrenched itself is a cause for concern. There is no place for racial and ethnic prejudice of any sort in Australia, and Jews recognise this as much as any Australians.

The envoy made a comprehensive raft of recommendations to address Islamophobia, and the government will take its time in assessing how many of Malik’s 54 recommendations it will implement – as it has with the antisemitism plan released by Jillian Segal in July.

But the Islamophobia report generated little of the controversy that followed the antisemitism report. Segal's report was criticised for the punishments it recommended for institutional failure to address antisemitism, and for the IHRA definition of antisemitism that it said should be adopted across all of government.

Critical silences

Nevertheless, Malik’s response contains key omissions that have been glossed by earlier media reportage. They revolve around what constitutes Islamophobia and how to define it. Malik addressed the nub of the issue with the very first line of his introduction: “Many may find it surprising to learn that there is no universally accepted definition of Islamophobia”.

He describes it as “a perceived ‘fear’ of and ‘threat’ from Islam and Muslims, and encapsulates a range of ... behaviours, such as anti-Muslim hatred, sentiment, and prejudice”. But he adds that his report “does not seek to define Islamophobia, but to convey its pervasiveness and impacts”.

Yet while not wanting to definite it, the report does assert a connection between Islamophobia and the war in Gaza. “The current discourse surrounding Islamophobia in Australia has taken a deeply disturbing turn, with the targeting of Palestinian and Arab-Australian communities, and their supporters.

“[This frame] often essentialises all Palestinians as Muslim… and arguably triggered, but most certainly contributed significantly to, the wave of Islamophobia following the 7 October attacks, and indeed, has sustained it.

“While at times anti-Palestinian, anti-Arab racism and Islamophobia do intersect, I am wary of using Islamophobia as a proxy for, or to conflate it with, these manifestations of racism, which can also manifest as their own distinct forms of prejudice and discrimination.”

Malik has no doubt chosen to hold back from advocating the adoption of a definition of Islamophobia in view of the backlash generated by Segal’s recommendation of the adoption of the IHRA working definition, which critics claim has the potential to conflate genuine criticism of Israel with antisemitism, but which Segal rejected as being misguided.

Sidestepping definition

Instead, Malik chooses a cautious alternative, recommending that a parliamentary committee examine “the impact of officially adopting, or not adopting, a working definition of Islamophobia”.

While this has avoided the firestorm that followed Segal’s report, it also avoids coming to grips with the nexus of much of the Islamophobic and anti-Palestinian discourse that has appeared in public debate over the past two years.

The obvious example is the way in which Muslim terrorism including Hamas, Hezbollah and the Iranian regime is conflated with all Muslims. Hamas is a political Islamist movement that grew out of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt. But it cannot be Islamophobic to criticise Hamas, a proscribed terror group, responsible for the October 7 attacks whose goal is the eradication of Israel.

Yet there is a wider grey area. Does accumulated anti-Palestinian rhetoric make Muslims so uncomfortable because of their support for Palestine that they feel attacked as Muslims – just as many Jews feel so intimidated by the torrent of criticism of Israel that they feel it is directed at them as Jews?  

Despite invoking the link between October 7 and Islamophobia, Malik’s report does not acknowledge this ambiguity. And by not advocating the adoption of a definition, he dodges the opportunity to clarify it.

Whatever the alleged flaws of the IHRA definition, the past two years have shown us that some sort of definition is needed as a guideline for boundaries of public debate. The criticism of Segal failed to acknowledge that IHRA had already been adopted by the federal government and was thus a ready-made reference point for her recommendations.

But Malik’s report has another, deeper deficiency, which is encapsulated in this phrase: “the wave of Islamophobia following the 7 October attacks”.

Hamas not mentioned

The October 7 attacks were committed by Hamas. They killed 1200 people in a single day and took several hundred hostage. Yet Malik does not sheet home responsibility to Hamas and does not mention the word Hamas once in his report. It is as if the October 7 attacks just happened, without anyone being responsible.

The significance of this omission cannot be overstated. By its brutal behaviour on October 7 and since, Hamas triggered the majority of anti-Palestinian rhetoric and behaviour in the wider community. This has leaked into Islamophobia through Hamas’s identity as an Islamist movement and standard-bearer of the Palestinian cause.

Just as Diaspora Jews suffer when the world perceives Israel is in the wrong, Muslims the world over bear the burden of the behaviour of Islamist terrorists.

By choosing not to mention Hamas in the report, Malik does not acknowledge the link between Hamas and Islamophobia and anti-Palestinian “racism”. This casts a new light on the decision not to advocate the adoption of a definition. It would refocus public attention on the role that Hamas occupies in debate about Islam and the future of Palestinian nationalism.

For example, many Jews who are sympathetic to the suffering of civilians in Gaza nevertheless flinch at “Free Palestine” or “From the river to the sea” slogans because these catchphrases do not publicly disavow Hamas, and thus can be seen to imply a loaded message of acceptance or indifference. A definition could help unpack this shorthand.

Malik’s goal of conveying the “pervasiveness and impacts” of Islamophobia is welcome and reasonable. But unless we know what is or isn’t considered Islamophobic, policymakers and community leaders who try to address it will be working with one hand tied behind their back.

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About the author

Michael Visontay

Michael Visontay

Michael Visontay is Commissioning Editor of TJI and was Editor-in-Chief from 2017-22. Michael is a former Assistant Editor of The Sydney Morning Herald and columnist with The Australian Jewish News. He has written six books, including Who Gave You Permission? with Manny Waks, and Welcome to Wanderland: Western Sydney Wanderers and the Pride of the West. His most recent book is Noble Fragments: the Maverick who broke up the world's greatest book (Scribe, 2024).

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Comments3

  • Avatar of jed

    jed9 January at 02:13 am

    Hamas exist in response to decades of Israel’s brutal murderous occupation and multi-national threats in the form financial & military support to Israel from countries Like USA, UK, France, Germany and more.

    Furthermore it’s well documented that the Netenyahu government funded Hamas.
    So perhaps that’s the real sidestepped / core issue.

    Not to mention theft of Palestinian gas and it’s subesequent sale to Egypt or the greater Israel project that sees Lebanon and Syria losing it’s borders at the time of writing this comment

  • Avatar of Ian Grinblat

    Ian Grinblat2 October at 09:43 pm

    “We, of course, do recognise the link between Israeli action in Gaza and the Occupied Territories, and antisemitism. But how does that help to fight antisemitism. Perhaps our community leaders should be more vocal in criticising Israel for the devastation and carnage in Gaza and the appalling civilian death toll.”

    What is wrong with this argument?

    To begin, there can be no acceptable link between Israeli action in Gaza and the Occupied territories, and antisemitism. Hatred of Jews can never be justified by the actions of some Jews or even the majority of Jews. The censure should be directed at the actions – isn’t the ethical teaching to hate the sin but love the sinner?

    Secondly, “our community leaders” are never representative of Israel. They are people who feel that our community needs spokepeople and they have elected themselves as ideal for that purpose.

    While Diaspora Jews enjoy the luxury of distancing themselves from all this unpleasantness, we must remember that only the dead cannot sin, and that most of the well-intentioned people who marched Sydney Harbour Bridge are seriously morally confused.

  • Avatar of Harold Zwier

    Harold Zwier28 September at 04:27 am

    Michael Visontay regards the lack of a clear definition of Islamophobia as a significant omission. He writes, “Whatever the alleged flaws of the IHRA definition, the past two years have shown us that some sort of definition is needed as a guideline for boundaries of public debate”.

    Yet the push for the adoption of the IHRA working definition of antisemitism in some ways masks the fact that prior to IHRA there was a fairly clear understanding of what constituted antisemitism. And those issues in the grey zone; ie. when is criticism of Israel antisemitic and when is it valid political comment – are not satisfactorily addressed by IHRA, because people in our community have very different levels of tolerance towards criticism of Israel.

    Michael writes, “By choosing not to mention Hamas in the report, Malik does not acknowledge the link between Hamas and Islamophobia and anti-Palestinian ‘racism'”. We, of course, do recognise the link between Israeli action in Gaza and the Occupied Territories, and antisemitism. But how does that help to fight antisemitism. Perhaps our community leaders should be more vocal in criticising Israel for the devastation and carnage in Gaza and the appalling civilian death toll.