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HomeRead, Watch, ListenIsrael
Israel Votes 2026Israel

Where are the women in this election campaign?

Increasing ultra-Orthodox political power is diminishing women's access and influence in public life.
Eetta Prince-Gibson
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Israel cabinet knesset

Only five of Israel’s 24 cabinet positions are held by women (Avi Ohayon GPO)

Published: 23 October 2026

Last updated: 23 October 2026

According to the Global Gender Gap Index, published by the World Economic Forum, Israel ranks 104 out of 148 countries in the category of political empowerment.

The low status of women in Israel could have serious consequences of Israeli society, including political stability, economic growth, national security. Yet an analysis by the Israel Democracy Institute (IDI), an independent Jerusalem-based think tank, published in February 2026, found that in the current election campaign, most parties have not made commitment to gender equality a part of their platform.  Moreover, with the exception of a few women’s organizations, gender equality just isn’t an issue in this campaign.

Inside the Knesset

Low numbers of women in parliament has been a problem since the inception of the state, usually attributed to the ongoing security situation.  But under Israel’s current, outgoing government, women have lost political power, gender segregation has expanded and women have been increasingly erased from public sphere.

That that downward slide began as soon as the government took power in January 2023, well-before the catastrophe of October 7 and subsequent wars.

Only 31 of Israel’s 120 outgoing Knesset members were women—approximately 26 percent, just below the global average of 27.5 percent. Only five of the 24 cabinet posts were held by women.

If the Likud and far-right parties form the next coalition, their combined factions are expected to bring 7 women. If the current opposition forms the next coalition, the number of women could reach 24. In the best case scenario, arecord-breaking of 35 women could gain parliamentary seats, according to surveys by the Times of Israel.

Ultra-Orthodox influence

Yet, it is unclear whether even a sharp increase in the number of women in the Knesset will improve the status of women in Israeli society. While a paucity of women in parliament can lead to gender inequality, larger numbers do not guarantee that equality – especially not when the possibility of equality is stifled by coalition agreements.

Israel's electoral system requires parties to form coalitions, giving smaller parties considerable leverage over government formation. In the current coalition, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has been politically beholden to far-right religious parties. Two ultra-Orthodox parties expressly exclude women altogether, while other parties have very few women – and some of them espouse overtly anti-equality and anti-feminist views.  In order to stay in power and curry favor and support, Netanyahu has granted these parties the power to impose strict interpretations of Jewish law and apply them to almost all aspects of life in Israeli society, including political appointments, the role of religious courts, women’s service in the military, and women’s place in public space.

The influence of the religiously conservative worldview of this government can be seen, for instance, in the government’s ongoing failure to appoint women to high-ranking positions in the civil service.  In fact, despite repeated judicial rulings that women should be equally represented, only one woman serves as a director-general of a government ministry, and she was only recently appointed. A Knesset research report found that women made up 64 percent of Israel’s civil servants in 2024, yet held only 9 percent of the highest-ranking positions.

The same Knesset research report found that 57% of government decisions it reviewed had never been implemented.  Furthermore, the government recently approved NIS 2.6 billion ($840 million) in across-the-board cuts to government ministry budgets. But fewer women in high-ranking positions the civil service, along with the small number of women ministers, means that fewer women participate in discussions about which decisions will be actually be implemented, which programs will be cut, and how budgets will be allocated within each ministry.

Women politicians – or the absence of – even affect how time is allocated within the Knesset.  Even as Israel was continuing to fight in Gaza, Lebanon, and Syria, two self-described anti-feminist MK’s established a lobby for ultra-Orthodox and religious women. They excluded feminist organizations, including religious and ultra-Orthodox feminist groups, and used the time and space of the legislature  to discuss matters such as whether and when modest dress could be imposed on women in public and the religious prohibition on physical contact between unmarried men and women.

The military factor

On October 7, and in the wars that followed, female combat soldiers displayed extraordinary bravery and saved many lives. Yet, due to the increasing power of conservative religious factions, female soldiers are increasingly restricted in order to accommodate religious and ultra-Orthodox male troops.  Some rabbis have even called for completely excluding women from the military, in order to preserve traditional family values.

While the military claims to promote women in service, in deference to religious men, an operation by an elite combat engineering unit was canceled because female combat soldiers were not allowed to enter a military post where ultra-Orthodox soldiers were serving. Haaretz revealed that earlier this year the IDF refrained from deploying a vital system in Lebanon because installing it would have required female soldiers to enter a military post manned by an ultra-Orthodox battalion. And sixteen soldiers were sentenced to military prison because they refused to take part in an operation because a female paramedic was attached to their force.

For women who do serve in combat or combat supportive units, especially in the reserves, the repeated and extend periods of deployment and exposure to death and trauma have affected their family life, putting pressure on other family members to provide child care and fulfill household responsibilities. And in families where women do not serve and whose husbands or partners are repeatedly mobilized often become the sole parents, breadwinners and managers of household crises.

A November 2025 Knesset discussion cited survey findings that 34 percent of reservists' wives had considered separation or divorce since the war began, while many reported disruption to their employment and damage to family relationships.The Israel Women's Network reported that women made up 70% of people who had to resign from their jobs and 60% of those who took unpaid leave because of the war and also noted that little provision was made for these situations. The war has demonstrated women's capacity to fight, command and endure but also exposed how readily their unpaid labor at home is taken for granted, the report noted.

Public space

Supported by Netanyahu and the rest of the coalition, most of whom are secular, the government also pushed through legislation that expands the power of the religious courts, which can now adjudicate almost any civil dispute according to religious law.  And while ostensibly this requires both sides to agree to turn to the religious court, when there is an imbalance of power and economic status, as there often is between men and women, that “agreement” may be forced and subject to coercion.

Women are also increasingly being restricted from public spaces.  The initial coalition agreements between the Likud and the ultra-Orthodox and Religious Zionism parties stipulated that business owners and service providers would be allowed to discriminate on grounds of religious belief and to pass legislation that would  impose gender segregation as a means to “express Jewish identity in the public sphere. Although these laws have not been passed, the fact that they were intended to be indicates that women’s rights can be negotiated.

Led by the government, the Knesset has also passed legislation allowing gender segregation in advanced-degree programs, which will, women’s rights advocates argue, limit women’s access to courses, professional networks, laboratories and career opportunities.

In this kind of an atmosphere, Professor Yofi Tirosh of the Tel Aviv University Faculty of Law, says we should not be surprised that women’s images are defaced on billboards, that women are sent to the back of the bus (although this is illegal), and that some cities have tried to legislate separate sidewalks for men and women. "The idea that women can be removed from sight has become entrenched in every aspect of life,” she warns.

The Institute for National Security Studies (INSS) writes that during war, public opinion may demand that the country attend to “more urgent matters”, but women’s rights are part of what security and democracy should mean. “Countries where women are empowered are more secure and more prosperous, and a country’s prosperity has a direct impact on its national security,” the INSS concludes. 

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About the author

Eetta Prince-Gibson

Eetta Prince-Gibson, who lives in Jerusalem, was previously Editor-in-Chief of The Jerusalem Report, is the Israel Editor for Moment Magazine and a regular contributor to Haaretz, The Forward, PRI, and other Israeli and international publications.

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