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AnalysisAustralia

The conditions enabling neo-Nazis to proliferate in Australia

Neo-Nazi groups in Australia have exploited economic discontent and pandemic lockdowns to increase their reach. Until governments address the endemic discontent, they will be restricted to responding to extremism after the fact.
Oscar Kaspi-Crutchett
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Neo Nazi rally Sydney X

Neo-Nazi rally outside NSW Parliament on November 8 (supplied: X)

Published: 26 November 2025

Last updated: 27 November 2025

Since the pandemic lockdowns, one sub-faction of the Australian far-right has exploited political events more successfully than any other: the neo-Nazi groups, and specifically the National Socialist Network, led by Thomas Sewell.  

In the past six months, neo-Nazi leaders have occupied the front steps of two Australian Parliaments: the Victorian Parliament in August and the New South Wales Parliament in November.

They have not acted alone, nor has their prominence emerged spontaneously. In Victoria, they were led onto the stage by a coalition of other right-wing organisations: the microphone was handed over, it didn’t have to be seized.

The Australian far-right is not a unified and distinct organisation. It is a competitive field where various factions, parties and media personalities struggle to impose their specific vision on each other so they can, down the line, impose it on the country.

For those looking in from outside, it isn’t easy to follow how political competition works on the fringe right. These groups are not yet in a position to run for parliamentary seats at scale. Instead of preselection, they compete for informal markers of legitimacy: speaking slots at major protests, follower counts, admin-status in large telegram groups, the adoption of their specific vocabulary amongst the wider movement and its followers.

Although this is typically subterranean, once in a while it bursts into the public eye when an event hits our streets that demonstrates something has shifted in this corner of the political spectrum.

The March for Australia on August 31 was one such moment. The neo-Nazi rally outside NSW Parliament this month was another.

Extremism goes back to 2010s

Although hostility towards Israel and rising antisemitism has undoubtedly emboldened neo-Nazi groups, these events have their roots back in the 2010s. That is when the dominant force on the fringe right, especially in Victoria, came from the anti-Islam Reclaim Australia, Rise Up Australia, True Blue Crew and United Patriots Front groups. Following the War on Terror, these organisations deployed speculation about Shariah Law and “the Great Replacement” theory to cultivate support.

During the pandemic, they were overlaid by the politician Craig Kelly, Harrison McLean, Reignite Democracy Australia (lead by Monica Smit), and a network of ‘Freedom Rally’ telegram groups, which exploited the social impacts of the pandemic to promote an anti-government message. 

In the 2020s, the centre of power shifted again. Leaders from earlier organisations were absorbed into new, more radical organisations, or otherwise eclipsed by them entirely. Anti-Islam and anti-immigrant rhetoric have metastasised into a much more expansive and openly neo-fascist political ethos expressed most brazenly by the attacks on indigenous Australians at Camp Sovereignty on August 31 and at the NSW rally on November 8 with its the antisemitic banner (“Abolish the Jewish Lobby”), and the comfort by several participants at being identified.

For years, the use of full-coverage facial masks has been standard for the NSN. Neo-Nazis exerted great effort in disguising their involvement in the broader fringe right and their memberships’ identity in general. Last December, when neo-Nazis assembled on the steps of the Victorian Parliament to unfurl a banner reading “Jews Hate Freedom”, all participants were masked and unidentifiable.

Faces uncovered

In August, more than 100 neo-Nazis marched through the Melbourne CBD, chanting slogans and assaulting a passerby, all participants had their faces totally covered. The recent incident outside the NSW Parliament was different: again, the Nazis came to assemble outside a major public institution, but this time they did so entirely uncovered. This is a noteworthy escalation and a demonstration of their growing brazenness. No longer is it seen as strategically necessary to operate in the shadows. 

This malignancy was made possible by the reckless opportunism of certain “moderate” forces on the fringe right during the pandemic, who have come to accept a place for neo-Nazis in their organisations and at their events.

The Jewish Independent
The Jewish Independent
The Jewish Independent

From 2020-22, The Jewish Independent led reporting on the infiltration of anti-lockdown and anti-vaccine groups by neo-Nazi extremists. TJI identified 24 Australian groups, with nearly 100,000 followers combined, that espoused antisemitic or neo-Nazi views as part of their messaging against vaccine mandates and lockdowns. Our coverage warned that the leaders of the anti-lockdown movement were failing to speak out, and that a hotbed of radicalisation was forming.  

At the time, opposition to the lockdowns was bringing together vaccine sceptics, neo-Nazis, hardline libertarians, Christian fundamentalists, wellness influencers, conspiracy theorists, sovereign citizens and national conservatives against a common enemy: the Victorian State Labor Government, the mainstream media and the public health apparatus.

The events of 2025 have vindicated the worst fears from that period: the growth and elevation of the most dangerous and extreme forces within the fringe ecosystem.

Victoria’s pandemic experience, particularly its extended lockdowns, turbocharged both the scale and intensity of far-right politics in the State. A deluge of disillusioned individuals was galvanised by a strong distrust of government and a bitter resentment at the impacts of the pandemic on their social and economic lives.

'Freedom' movement a funnel

They came up against two forces: a “freedom movement” which did not quite know what it believed in, and a militant, ideologically comprehensive force of neo-Nazis who had organising experience, a clear story to tell and a set of solutions to address political distress.

Deliberately or otherwise, the anti-lockdown movement acted as a funnel which directed these unaffiliated people into the arms of extremists.

The leaders of the “freedom movement” turned a blind eye to the growth of antisemitic ideas and neo-Nazi political actors in their ranks. Over time, this proved fatal. As old taboos against collaborating with nazis dissolved, the pandemic gradually transformed the balance of power within the far-right fringe.

In 2025, we can now see transparently what was so opaque in 2021: outright fascists, with a penchant for violence, have secured a significant, recognised and increasingly dominant place on Australia’s fringe right. 

As the accompanying screenshots demonstrate, not even the leaders of the “freedom movement”’ such as Monica Smit, can deny this anymore.

Activists on the fringe right face constant choices: to embrace or not to embrace particular strands of movement philosophy – to emphasise islamophobia or antisemitism, to promote Australian nationalism or pan-European white pride, to focus on economic hardship or spiritual decay, to talk about the rapture or to decry the corruption of science.

Faced with the question of whether to platform Nazis, many have folded. Others, although few, have held the line. In Brisbane, neo-Nazis were prohibited from speaking at the March for Australia indicating that the conflict over collaboration remains very much active – at least in Queensland.

In Melbourne, by contrast, the neo-Nazis led the march, comfortably addressed the crowd, and disseminated countless flyers across the CBD. After the rally, they took the unprecedented step of marching to Camp Sovereignty, which was established nearly two decades ago by indigenous elders Robbie and Marg Thorpe as a ceremonial site, burial ground and centre of political activism.

There, Thomas Sewell and his associates surrounded and brutally attacked a number of unarmed people. They chanted white supremacist slogans and beat women with flag poles. The sacred site was vandalised.

The events on August 31 in Melbourne and November 8 in Sydney have reverberated through the media, the community and the Australian political class.

The introduction of new amendments to the Crimes Act by the NSW Government aimed at restricting public displays of Nazi ideology are a demonstration of this. So too was the Federal Government’s move to revoke the visa and deport one of the NSW rally participants – Matthew Gruter. New protest laws against face coverings are also being canvassed in Victoria.

In January, the Federal Government also launched a Counter-Terrorism and Violent Extremism Strategy which explicitly recognises the specific dangers posed by “white nationalist groups” and “racist violent extremism”. Tony Burke, Minister for Home Affairs, has also flagged a review of anti-hate laws aimed at preventing figures such as Gruter from ever returning to Australia.

As effective or ineffective as these interventions may prove to be, the context in which they are being deployed is ultimately what matters most.

The conditions which allowed neo-Nazism to proliferate in the pandemic years are still in place.  As of 2025, 56% of Australians believe life will be worse in 50 years' time than now. The percentage of Australians who expect their lives to worsen over the coming years has increased every year since 2021, according to a study published this year by Professor Nicholas Biddle, Head of the School of Politics and International Relations at ANU.  

The pool of discontented Australians recruited by anti-lockdown and neo-Nazi movements remains large, perhaps larger than it was in 2020 or 2021. There can be no lasting reprieve from extremism until this endemic hopelessness in our community is addressed. Until then, governments, communities and Australians at large will be restricted to responding to extremist activity after the fact, when the damage has already been done and the vulnerable have already been victimised.

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About the author

Oscar Kaspi-Crutchett

Oscar Kaspi-Crutchett

Oscar Kaspi-Crutchett formerly worked in the Commonwealth Parliament and now works as a senior researcher and organiser in the Victorian union movement.

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Comments1

  • Avatar of Sandy

    Sandy9 December at 06:55 am

    The neo-Nazis also gathered on the steps of Victorian Parliament on Dec 20 2024 with a sign “Jews hate freedom” and made an inciting speech.