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Royal CommissionNewsAustralia

Underlying beliefs override facts in shaping views of Jews, Israel

Royal Commission told of widespread uncertainty over accepting what happened on October 7, and pervasive danger of colonial-settler narrative about Israel
Michael Visontay
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A Palestinian flag being waved in front of a crowd with the Sydney opera house in the background.

Demonstrators on October 9, 2023 wave Palestinain flags outside the Sydney Opera House, which was lit in blue and white to express solidarity with Israel following the October 7 Hamas attack (TJI)

Published: 14 May 2026

Last updated: 14 May 2026

Is prejudice impervious to education? How do we make people accept facts? These foundational challenges were brought front and centre at this week’s hearings of the Royal Commission into Antisemitism.

The Commission heard that 44 per cent of the respondents in a survey of Australian attitudes to Israel and Jews were unsure whether to believe media reports that Hamas murdered 1200 Israelis on October 7, 2023, while another 5 per cent believed they were broadly untrue.

This data, which was obtained through The Jewish Independent’s Crossroads25 survey, was delivered to the Commission by the survey’s designer Emeritus Professor Andrew Markus.

Professor Markus told the Commission that the data showed the general Australian population did not fully accept the events of October 7, which precipitated the Gaza War and were “a fundamental watershed in the Jewish community’s life in this country, and internationally”.

“And I don't for a second think that if we educate people, you're going to get around that. Some of them will say they're not sure, because they basically don't follow the news. [Their view is] ‘I believe what I want to believe’, rather than a simple statement of fact,” said Markus, who was previously Director of Monash University’s Australian Centre for Jewish Civilisation.

Counsel assisting the Commission asked whether the question about October 7 “is really testing respondents’ beliefs about those events, rather than their [knowledge of facts]?”

Markus: “I wouldn't say, just beliefs. It's a mixture. It's about being informed but also being in a position of denial.”

Danger of distorted history

The power of underlying beliefs to frame and distort attitudes to Jews was emphasised by Dr Dave Rich, Director of Policy for the UK Community Security Trust, who gave evidence by videolink from London about the origins of antisemitism, Zionism and anti-Zionism, and their usage in contemporary public debate.

Dr Rich was asked to respond to the argument that Zionism it is a form of European settler colonialism and that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is not a clash of two national movements but a struggle between coloniser (Israel) and colonised (Palestinians).

“A narrative has developed that Zionism is nothing other than a form of Western colonialism that basically stole someone else's land for European colonisers, these European colonisers being Jews.

“This is both historically wrong and also quite dangerous. It's historically wrong for a number of reasons, firstly, because Jews have a legitimate connection to the land of Israel; Jews were always living in the land of Israel. They had sovereignty in part of the land of Israel in ancient times. And even after that period, there was a continuous Jewish presence. Again, that's very, very different from how European colonialism operated.

“And the Jews who migrated to Palestine under the Ottomans, then under the British and then to Israel after independence were not emissaries of European colonialism coming to take land and plunder for the mother country. They were refugees fleeing antisemitism who were squeezed out of their own societies and needed a new home.

“So historically, the argument doesn't stand up. The danger of it is that in modern radical left theory, colonisers can never have rights, and their children and their grandchildren and great-grandchildren remain colonisers and never acquire rights. And therefore, in this theory, the whole of Israel is illegally occupied, and therefore Palestinians have the right to use armed force, armed resistance, to attack and kill any Israelis, anywhere in Israel.

“The ripple effect from that is because colonialism and settler colonialism are seen as manifestations of European racism and white supremacy, anyone who supports Israel in the West, anyone who's a Zionist is therefore a coloniser, is therefore a racist, therefore can be excluded, can be attacked, can be demonised, and so on. And that's what we see happening to a lot of Jewish people now."

Dr Rich told the Commission that because antisemitism is at heart a conspiracy theory, it poses a threat not just to Jewish people but to social cohesion in liberal democracies more generally.

This is why antisemitism is a common feature of every type of political and religious extremism – because extremist politics is predicated on a conspiratorial understanding of the world. So, it's fundamentally not just undemocratic. It's anti-democratic. It damages core values of liberal democracy.

When Israel criticism becomes antisemitic

Dr Rich was questioned by Peggy Dwyer SC, a barrister representing the Jewish Council of Australia, about when commentary could be considered critical of Israel without being antisemitic.

Ms Dwyer said the statement by some Israeli officials referring to Palestinians as human animals has been compared by some commentators to Nazi propaganda that dehumanised Jewish people.

“Do you accept that someone might say that you can agree or disagree, but it's not necessarily antisemitic to have that debate about dehumanised words?”

Rich: “I believe that was a statement by [former Israeli Defence Minister] Yoav Gallant, and he was talking about Hamas, not about all Palestinians. I don't accept that talking about a military enemy in dehumanised terms is the same as talking about a civilian population in that way, I think it's a different context."

Dwyer: “You can agree or disagree then with the use of that comparison. But what I'm suggesting to you is it's not necessarily antisemitic.”

Rich: “I ask ‘why reach for that comparison?‘ I think where Israel is concerned, the reason why very often that's the first comparison people reach for – when there are many others available – is because Israel is Jewish, and because the Holocaust happened to Jewish people, and therefore it's deliberately playing on Jewish sensitivities, and using Israel's Jewishness as the line of attack. And so I have a big problem with it.”

Dwyer: “You've got a big problem with it, but it may not be antisemitic?”

Rich: “I think it usually is.”

Dwyer: “Some genocide scholars, human rights organisations, NGOs, have accused Israel of committing acts of genocide in Gaza. You can agree or disagree with that proposition, but it's not antisemitic to have that debate, is it?”

Rich: “Some of the contributions to that debate are antisemitic, and some aren't.”

The research director for the Executive Council of Australian Jewry, Julie Nathan, told the Commission that most criticism of Israel is not antisemitic in itself, “even though of lot of it is incredibly offensive”.

In response to questions from the commission, Nathan said criticism that invoked Nazi Germany or anti-Jewish tropes should be counted as antisemitic. “I have very strict guidelines to determine when something that’s anti-Israel is antisemitic.

“For example, if it uses older anti-Jewish tropes, you know, such as the blood libel, or Jews are satanic … they might say ‘Israel is satanic’. So then that kind of feeds into that,” she said.

Nathan said pro-Palestinian material, such as posters, wasn’t considered antisemitic unless it was used to target Jews. “We don’t count anything pro-Palestinian as anti-Jewish unless, for example, if there’s a ‘free Palestine’ sticker, and it’s stuck on a synagogue or outside a Jewish school.

“If they’re using pro-Palestine material to target Jews, that in itself then becomes antisemitic.”

Deborah Conway speaks for creatives

Musician Deborah Conway told the Commission about being screamed and hissed at during writers’ festival appearances.

One incident happened while she was on stage at an event in Western Australia, when “all these people rose to their feet within the auditorium and unfurled their signs and started screaming things at me, and I was shocked,” she said.

Conway said she had lost several performance bookings because of backlash to her views.

Conway said many venues had cancelled her live performances.

“There were … venues that were targeted almost immediately that their advertising went up by pro-Palestinian supporters who made it their business to target those venues and to make sure that they knew that if they went ahead with it, there would be trouble. And so they pulled out.”

One venue pulled out after scores of protesters showed up in balaclavas banging pots and pans, saying “if you go ahead with this show in November, we will make sure that we turn up with 300 people,” Conway said.

Asked how her bookings were tracking in 2026, she responded: “There aren’t many”.

“I think it’s really important to say that I support Israel’s right to exist. I don’t support all of the Israeli government’s ways of prosecuting the war,” she said.

“But we didn’t ask for America to be dismantled because it prosecuted the war in Afghanistan or Vietnam or Iraq badly … I think that idea of anti-Zionism is, in fact, a genocidal impulse,” she said.

“I also speak for an entire cohort of young artists, young musicians, who have really struggled in this climate to get work, to be seen as who they are, as opposed to what they represent. These are young people, and they’ve got their careers in front of them and they are being targeted, and vilified and persecuted by people that have no basis to do that,” she said.

“They believe that Israel should be allowed to exist, and that’s their crime.”

Business forced to shut

Jewish saxophonist Joshua Moshe gave evidence that after the 2024 doxxing of a WhatsApp group for Jewish creatives he was part of, the band he had played with for seven years ejected him from the group.

After the leak, a caller threatened the homewares shop Moshe ran with his wife in Melbourne, telling the pair to watch their backs, and sent a photo of their son taken from social media.

In a disturbing development, a police officer told Moshe they could investigate vandalism of their store and the threat involving his son, but not other posts targeting Moshe because they didn’t “cross the line” into antisemitism.

“I said, ‘So, how are you defining antisemitism?’ Because, from my perspective, the word ‘Zionist’ or ‘Zio’ is being used here as a proxy, and ... it’s having a serious impact on Jewish Australians' lives.”

Moshe also reported the posts to the eSafety Commissioner, but was told his report didn’t meet the threshold for formal action.

Moshe and his wife decided to close their Thornbury store and shift it to a part of Melbourne where more Jewish people live.

Online hate

A 15-year-old Jewish teenager from Perth said he endured harrowing online hate on a gaming platform. When the anonymous teen was playing Minecraft on Discord in 2024, other students at his high school subjected him to vile commentary.

One comment called him a “rabid, filthy, rotten, gut-wrenching, grotesque Rabbi, yarmulke-wearing, bank-owning, iron-doming, Hashem-following Jew”.

The boy was also called a “filthy penny sniffer” and left to die in the game, which he said made him feel “abandoned”.

The impact of beliefs about October 7 on antisemitism was emphasised by Andre Oboler, CEO of the Online Hate Prevention Institute chief executive, who told the Commission current antisemitism rates across all online platforms are higher than the five-fold spike observed immediately after the October 7, 2023 attacks by Hamas.

Dr Oboler said the X platform, formerly Twitter, was “behaving very much like the far-right platforms”. X rated second behind free speech fringe platform Gab for antisemitic content, Oboler said, but added that it had “one of the lowest increases” in antisemitism before and after October 7 because “it was already the most prevalent platform for antisemitism to start with”.

“The platform that had the most antisemitism – that contributed the most to that aggregated data – was Gab, which is a far-right platform. It’s a platform that a lot of people, for example, went to after the insurrection in the US,” Dr Oboler said.

Oboler outlined some search phrases the institute uses to monitor for online antisemitism content, such as “holohoax”, a Holocaust denial term, as well as a more recent term, “kiss the wall”, which is often used when politicians visit Israel and take part in a Jewish religious practice of kissing the Western Wall in Jerusalem.

“This is used as an antisemitic trope to say ‘oh look they went to Israel, they kissed the wall, and therefore they are controlled by the Jews’ so ‘kiss the wall’ as a phrase is something we use as an entry point.”

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About the author

Michael Visontay

Michael Visontay

Michael Visontay is Commissioning Editor of TJI and was Editor-in-Chief from 2017-22. Michael is a former Assistant Editor of The Sydney Morning Herald and columnist with The Australian Jewish News. He has written six books, including Who Gave You Permission? with Manny Waks, and Welcome to Wanderland: Western Sydney Wanderers and the Pride of the West. His most recent book is Noble Fragments: the Maverick who broke up the world's greatest book (Scribe, 2024).

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Comments2

  • Avatar of Simon Krite

    Simon Krite16 May at 03:18 am

    Thank G-d for the As A Jew Council of Australia, bravely reminding us that when someone compares Jews to Nazis, or colonial oppressors we must not rush to judgment.

    Seriously???

  • Avatar of allen zeesman

    allen zeesman14 May at 01:26 pm

    Another uncomfortable question sits underneath all of this.

    Why does Israel generate such extraordinary moral fixation compared to conflicts producing comparable or even vastly greater levels of suffering elsewhere?

    That does not mean all criticism of Israel is antisemitic. Democracies require open debate, including fierce criticism of states and governments.

    But the scale of symbolic intensity, moral absolutism, institutional mobilization, and emotional fixation surrounding Israel often appears historically disproportionate. The issue is not criticism alone, but why this particular conflict becomes so uniquely central to the moral imagination of many educated institutions while other atrocities generate comparatively limited engagement.

    At some point, the asymmetry itself requires explanation.

    Historically, one recurring feature of antisemitism has been symbolic disproportion: Jews becoming not merely another people among others, but a concentrated site for broader anxieties about power, morality, modernity, capitalism, colonialism, or social corruption.

    Something structurally similar may now be happening around Israel.