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HomeRead, Watch, ListenAustralia
AnalysisAustralia

Israel just recognised the Armenian genocide. Why hasn’t Australia?

Anzacs witnessed the deportation of Armenian women and children in Turkey, but knowledge of their suffering has almost entirely disappeared from Australian public memory
Themistocles Kritikakos
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Armenian_Genocide_Urfa_victim_burial

A burial service is held by genocide survivors in memory of the Ourfa Armenian victims in 1915 (Image: Wikimedia Commons)

Published: 7 July 2026

Last updated: 7 July 2026

Australia has never formally recognised the Armenian Genocide at a national level. This is usually viewed as a matter of foreign policy, weighed against diplomatic relations with Turkey. But it is equally a question of Australian history, involving a chapter of the nation's past that has largely disappeared from public memory. 

In Australia, advocacy for recognition of the Armenian Genocide also concerns the wider genocidal campaign against Armenian, Greek and Assyrian communities throughout the final years of the Ottoman Empire (1914–1923). It encompasses the shared pursuit of recognition by these three communities, as well as the Australian humanitarian response to survivors, displaced persons and refugees between 1915 and 1930. Australians were not distant observers of these events. They witnessed the destruction as it unfolded, documented it in official reports and personal accounts, and responded in real time through international humanitarian relief efforts. 

The connection began at Gallipoli during World War I. On April 25, 1915, the Australian and New Zealand Army Corps (Anzacs) landed on the peninsula. The previous day, Ottoman authorities had arrested hundreds of Armenian intellectuals and community leaders in Constantinople (modern-day Istanbul), marking the start of the Armenian Genocide. Before and during the Gallipoli campaign, more than 30,000 Greeks living on the Gallipoli Peninsula were deported from their homes. Across the empire, Armenians, Greeks and Assyrians were increasingly viewed as internal enemies whose presence was considered incompatible with the Ottoman Empire's vision of its own survival and identity, amid territorial losses and political upheavals. These events unfolded within the same empire simultaneously, under the same wartime conditions. 

Anzac prisoners of war recorded encounters with deportation columns and destroyed communities. Anzac Lieutenant Leslie Henry Luscombe reported seeing Armenian women and children being transported in steel livestock trucks. Between 1915 and 1930, Australian activists, Anglican churches, and community and humanitarian organisations raised funds for refugees and orphaned children, with Australian women playing a significant role in that relief effort. Anzac Captain Stanley Savige, serving with the British-led Operation Dunsterforce in Persia in July 1918, helped protect and evacuate tens of thousands of Armenian and Assyrian refugees fleeing massacre. 

This history has almost entirely disappeared from Australian public memory, and the reason is not a shortage of evidence. Rather, a different national narrative came to occupy the same historical space. While Gallipoli became synonymous with military sacrifice, Australian values and the emergence of Australian nationhood, public memory increasingly centred on reconciliation between Australia and Turkey. This was reinforced by annual pilgrimages to Gallipoli and the commemorations held there, access to Anzac cemeteries in Turkey, and the widely quoted alleged words of reconciliation to the mothers of fallen Anzacs, attributed to Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, a commander of Ottoman forces at Gallipoli and the founding father of modern Turkey. 

The Gallipoli story, as it has evolved, rests on Turkey's continued cooperation with Australia and on the national narratives that the two countries have built around the same campaign. For Australia, Gallipoli became central to its modern national identity; for Turkey, it marked the rise of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, who later led the Turkish National Movement, which ultimately established the modern Turkish state following the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. This interdependence and the friendship that has grown around the reconciliation narrative present a major obstacle to advocates seeking genocide recognition. Commemorative access and the shared narrative have become closely intertwined with the politics of recognition, meaning that recognition carries both political and commemorative implications. 

It is within this setting that successive federal governments in Australia have largely overlooked the genocide which unfolded within the Ottoman Empire and the humanitarian response that emerged from the same historical moment as Gallipoli itself. Recognition has remained absent at the federal level because the prevailing commemorative narrative has left little room for this significant, yet largely forgotten, episode of Australia's own history. 

Recognising the Armenian, Greek and Assyrian genocides does not require Australia to abandon the Anzac tradition, nor does it require Australians to reject reconciliation with Turkey. It simply asks that the national story be expanded to include another dimension of Australia's wartime experience by acknowledging its wider humanitarian role. The same campaign that produced the Anzac story also placed Australians in direct contact with the suffering of Armenians, Greeks and Assyrians. 

Recognition would add another layer to the memory of Gallipoli: the Australians who documented the suffering, mobilised humanitarian assistance and extended relief to Armenian, Greek and Assyrian survivors. These histories do not compete with the Anzac tradition. Rather, they place humanitarian action within the national narrative, offering a broader understanding of a tradition that has shaped Australia's national identity and its associated values, among them sacrifice, courage, mateship and service to others. 

Three state parliaments have already recognised the Armenian, Greek and Assyrian genocides: South Australia in 2009, New South Wales in 2013 and Tasmania in 2023. Each recognition followed sustained joint advocacy by the three communities, building on New South Wales's own recognition of the Armenian Genocide in 1997 and the decades of Armenian advocacy and leadership. 

National remembrance is strongest when it embraces the full complexity of the past. The descendants of Armenian, Greek and Assyrian survivors are Australians today, and the descendants of the Australians who bore witness and offered humanitarian aid live alongside them. By recognising the Armenian Genocide and acknowledging the related genocides against Greeks and Assyrians during the same period, Australia would affirm the historical reality of these events. It would also offer a measure of justice to the victims of these genocides and to the descendants who continue to live with that trauma, while affirming its own place as a humanitarian responder within that history. In doing so, it would recognise Australians as witnesses, humanitarians and advocates, enriching national memory through a more complete understanding of Australia's past. 

READ MORE 

Israel recognises Armenian genocide: political reasons, moral policy (The Jewish Independent) 

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About the author

Themistocles Kritikakos

Themistocles Kritikakos

Dr Themistocles Kritikakos is a historian and writer. He holds a PhD in History from the University of Melbourne. He is the author of Armenian, Greek, and Assyrian Genocide Recognition in Twenty-First Century Australia: Memory, Identity, and Cooperation (Palgrave Macmillan, 2026).

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