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HomeRead, Watch, ListenIsrael
Israel Votes 2026AnalysisIsrael

Growing pressure for a minority Change government in Israel

Allegations against the Shin Bet chief and Trump's plan to end annual military aid to Israel have intensified pressure on the Change Bloc
Shahar Burla
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ISRAEL-VOTE

Yashar party leader Gadi Eisenkot addresses his supporters on election night (Jack Guez/AFP via Getty Images)

Published: 5 November 2026

Last updated: 5 November 2026

Two developments over the past three days have sharpened the urgency confronting Israel’s Change Bloc: allegations that Shin Bet chief David Zini helped Benjamin Netanyahu challenge the election’s legitimacy, and a political shock from Washington, where Donald Trump announced an end to annual military aid to Israel before Democrats swept the midterm elections.

Together, they strengthen the case for two immediate moves: reversing the judicial overhaul through the newly elected Knesset, before a government is formed, and negotiating a minority emergency government supported externally by Arab parties and potentially ultra-Orthodox lawmakers.

Neither outcome is assured. Both require leaders to reconsider campaign promises excluding potential partners. But the calculation is changing. Leaving Netanyahu in the prime minister’s office while Israel drifts towards another election carries growing democratic and diplomatic risks.

The Shin Bet and the weaponisation of election scrutiny

The controversy surrounding Zini goes beyond a dispute over investigative procedure. It raises questions about whether Israel’s domestic security service is being drawn into a campaign to delegitimise the parliamentary majority opposing Netanyahu. Reports on Tuesday alleged that Zini sought to question senior Arab politicians without presenting sufficient evidence to the attorney general, while failing to transfer investigative material to an agreed joint team involving police and prosecutors. Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara insisted that elected representatives, like other citizens, could not be interrogated without an evidentiary basis.

For the Change Bloc, another election increasingly raises the prospect of more direct involvement by Shin Bet chief David Zini in the electoral process, alongside renewed attacks on the legitimacy of Arab votes

Likud accused her of obstructing an investigation into electoral interference. Opposition leaders saw something more troubling: an effort to turn Arab citizens’ electoral participation into grounds for questioning the result. The distinction matters. Credible allegations of foreign interference or bribery warrant investigation. They do not automatically invalidate an election, nor justify treating Arab political representation as a security threat.

Central Elections Committee chair Justice Noam Sohlberg has repeatedly affirmed the election’s integrity. A subsequent report said Zini pledged to follow the attorney general’s instructions. 

The confrontation has political consequences. For the Change Bloc, another election increasingly raises the prospect of more direct involvement by Zini in the electoral process, alongside renewed attacks on the legitimacy of Arab votes. That strengthens the argument for using the parliamentary majority available now.

Washington changes the calculation

Trump’s intervention delivered a different warning. On Tuesday, Election Day, he said Washington would stop providing Israel with roughly US$4 billion annually by year’s end, describing an agreement reached with Netanyahu months earlier. The existing arrangement provides US$3.8 billion annually and runs through 2028. Trump offered no detailed explanation of how an early termination would work. His announcement should therefore be distinguished from an implemented funding decision.

Politically, however, its significance is immediate. Trump presented assistance to Israel as a liability Republicans should no longer have to defend. Netanyahu’s relationship with the president, long marketed as a strategic asset, suddenly appeared to offer little protection from an abrupt announcement affecting Israel’s security planning.

There is no established evidence that Netanyahu traded away aid for Trump’s electoral support. But the claim of a previously agreed deal raises legitimate questions about what Netanyahu accepted, when, and with whose knowledge.

The Democrats’ capture of both congressional chambers compounds the uncertainty. The incoming Congress will have greater capacity to scrutinise Trump’s administration, contest spending priorities and challenge his foreign policy. Anger over the Iran war also creates room for Republican recriminations about Netanyahu’s influence.

Vice President JD Vance made that Republican discontent explicit on Wednesday, blaming the party’s defeat on the Iran war. Citing polling of voters who had abandoned the Republicans, he identified ending the war and changing America’s relationship with Israel among their leading demands. Trump described his assessment as “largely true”, while defending the decision to go to war. For Israel’s Change Bloc, this is another warning: Netanyahu’s alignment with the Republican leadership no longer insulates Israel from American frustration. The political backlash now reaches into the administration itself, strengthening the case for a new government capable of rebuilding broader support in Washington.

Replacing Netanyahu would not repair Israel’s standing overnight. It would, however, create an opening to rebuild relationships beyond one president and one party. For opposition leaders, the diplomatic cost of prolonged paralysis has risen.

The next few weeks: take parliament, then build a government

The practical response requires two tracks pursued together: securing control of the Knesset’s work and assembling support for a replacement government. Waiting for a comprehensive coalition agreement before beginning parliamentary action would surrender valuable time.

President Isaac Herzog began consultations with parliamentary factions on November 4. Whoever receives the mandate will have 28 days to form a government, with a possible extension of up to 14 days. Eisenkot is expected to receive the mandate to form the next government.

The Haredi faction’s decision not to recommend Netanyahu does not amount to support for an alternative government, but it creates an opening for negotiations

The first parliamentary milestone is November 10, when the new Knesset is scheduled to be sworn in. The Change Bloc’s immediate objective should be electing a new speaker to replace Likud’s Amir Ohana, then establishing the Arrangements Committee and the committees needed to advance legislation.

This is consequential political work. A majority on paper achieves little without the ability to set the agenda, consider bills and bring them to a vote. Arab-party cooperation will be essential to translating the anti-Netanyahu majority into parliamentary power.

The legislative priority should be a tightly defined programme reversing measures that weakened judicial independence and institutional checks. Preparations can begin immediately, with agreement on specific bills, committee responsibilities and voting commitments. Establishing a state commission of inquiry into October 7 is another shared objective.

Legislation can advance before a new government takes office, provided the necessary parliamentary procedures are followed. But speed cannot substitute for scrutiny. Nor should the bloc assume that every proposal commands the same majority: disagreements already exist over measures targeting Netanyahu’s eligibility and the sequencing of institutional reforms.

Alongside this, Eisenkot and his partners need to negotiate a workable minority government. Its ministers could come from the Change Bloc, while Arab parties provide external support through agreed confidence and budget arrangements. Ra’am’s decision to recommend Eisenkot strengthens that possibility, while Degel HaTorah’s announcement that its four lawmakers will not recommend Netanyahu reveals a crack in his ultra-Orthodox alliances. Abstaining from recommending Netanyahu does not amount to supporting an alternative government, but it creates an opening for negotiations. Ultra-Orthodox participation or abstention could widen a minority government’s room to manoeuvre, although disputes over military service remain substantial.

An emergency government should have a limited, published programme: protect democratic institutions, begin reversing the overhaul, establish accountability for October 7 and stabilise Israel’s international relationships. Reviews of senior appointments must follow lawful procedures and professional standards.

The obstacles remain real. Leaders must overcome mutual distrust, competing ambitions and promises that now restrict their options. These developments make flexibility more necessary; they do not guarantee it.

But the choice is becoming harder to evade. The Change Bloc can use the coming weeks to turn a parliamentary majority into legislation and a government, or allow Netanyahu to remain in office while the country moves towards another election. The risks exposed in Jerusalem and Washington make delay increasingly difficult to justify.

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About the author

Shahar Burla

Shahar Burla

Dr Shahar Burla is a Sydney-based researcher, lecturer and Contributing Editor of TJI. Shahar holds a Master’s degree in political science from Hebrew University and a PhD in political science from Bar-Ilan University. He is the author of Political Imagination in the Diaspora: The Construction of a Pro-Israeli Narrative (2013) and co-editor of Australia and Israel: A Diasporic, Cultural and Political Relationship (2015).

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