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HomeRead, Watch, ListenIsrael
Israel Votes 2026ExplainerIsrael

Israel’s election fails to deliver a clear path to a government

Netanyahu has not been defeated but nor has he won. Arab turnout has changed the parliamentary arithmetic. Israel faces prolonged instability
Shahar Burla
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Netanyahu Eisenkot dubious

Could Benjamin Netanyahu (left) and Gadi Eisenkot work together in a unity Government? (Getty Images/ TJI compilation)

Published: 28 October 2026

Last updated: 28 October 2026

Israel’s election has delivered a messy result with no straightforward route to government. Benjamin Netanyahu’s bloc appears unable to secure a majority, but neither can his opponents govern alone. It is far too early to interpret this result as the end of the Netanyahu era.

Three conclusions stand out. Netanyahu has lost ground without necessarily losing power. Arab voters have changed the parliamentary arithmetic. And another election in early 2027 looks the most likely outcome, potentially extending Netanyahu’s premiership and Israel’s political uncertainty.

For the Change bloc, the immediate challenge is therefore to form a temporary minority government. Waiting for a more comfortable majority at another election could leave it in a weaker position.

What do the results tell us?

The updated exit polls point to a substantial setback for the governing coalition. Yet a rejection of the government does not automatically produce an alternative. The exit polls put Netanyahu’s bloc at around 52 seats and the Jewish parties of the Change bloc at around 50, leaving both short of the 61 needed for a Knesset majority. Ra’am and the Joint List are projected to hold 17-18 seats between them, giving the Arab parties a pivotal role. Likud remains the largest individual party, with around 27 seats, followed by Eisenkot’s Yashar on 21-23.

Gadi Eisenkot, leader of the Yashar party and the opposition’s leading candidate for prime minister, can reasonably claim that voters have rejected Netanyahu’s government. Claiming a mandate to replace it is more complicated. The Change bloc contains parties with substantial ideological differences, united principally by their opposition to Netanyahu. Its ability to govern depends on resolving a question several of its leaders have preferred to avoid: will they accept support from Arab parties?

Why was Arab turnout a game changer?

Strong Arab participation has made Ra’am and the Joint List central to any attempt to replace Netanyahu. Their increased parliamentary representation has helped deny his bloc a majority. But it has also exposed the contradiction within the Change camp: its leaders want Netanyahu removed while resisting cooperation with representatives of the voters who have helped make that possible.

Arab citizens have exercised their democratic influence. Whether that influence translates into political change now depends largely on the Jewish opposition’s willingness to negotiate.

Without some arrangement with Arab representatives, the Change bloc’s path to government is extremely narrow.

What happens next?

President Isaac Herzog will consult parliamentary factions before asking a candidate to attempt to form a government. Leading the largest party does not automatically secure the first opportunity; the central consideration is who appears capable of assembling a government.

Eisenkot has a plausible claim, but his appointment is not guaranteed. Whoever receives the mandate will face negotiations shaped by incompatible campaign promises, personal rivalries and disputes over military service, religion and security. The process could take weeks, with no assurance of success.

Meanwhile, Netanyahu remains prime minister.

Could a minority government work?

A temporary government supported from outside the coalition by Arab parties offers the clearest available route to replacing Netanyahu. 

Its immediate purpose would be limited: establish an alternative administration, demonstrate that a transfer of power is possible and, if another election becomes unavoidable, prevent Netanyahu from contesting it as caretaker prime minister.

That would require difficult compromises. Avigdor Liberman and other opposition leaders would need to reconsider their resistance to Arab support. Depending on the final arithmetic, an agreement with Ra’am alone might be insufficient, making negotiations with the Joint List necessary.

Such a government would be fragile. Passing a budget, maintaining discipline and managing security crises would all be difficult. Expanding it to include ultra-Orthodox parties could require concessions on military conscription that undermine a central Change bloc promise.

Still, fragility is an argument for a tightly defined temporary arrangement. It need not rule one out.

Could a unity government break the deadlock?

A government bringing together Likud, Eisenkot and other parties is mathematically conceivable. Politically, Netanyahu remains the obstacle.

Eisenkot would struggle to justify serving under Netanyahu. A rotation agreement would raise another problem: Benny Gantz entered such an arrangement with Netanyahu and never became prime minister. Without a credible resolution of the leadership question, unity remains an unlikely escape route.

Why would another election favour Netanyahu?

A repeat election would allow Netanyahu to remain in office while trying to repair his bloc’s weaknesses. His opponents could struggle to reproduce the same mobilisation. Arab turnout might fall, exhausted supporters might disengage, and Israelis who travelled home to vote might not return again. None of this is certain, but the Change bloc cannot assume another contest would improve its position.

Netanyahu does not need a stable majority immediately if he can prevent anyone else from forming one. Another election would give him another chance.

That makes early 2027 the likeliest destination if negotiations fail. The Change bloc must act quickly: a temporary minority government may be its best opportunity to turn Netanyahu’s electoral setback into an actual transfer of power.

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About the author

Shahar Burla

Shahar Burla

Dr Shahar Burla is a Sydney-based researcher, lecturer and Contributing Editor of TJI. Shahar holds a Master’s degree in political science from Hebrew University and a PhD in political science from Bar-Ilan University. He is the author of Political Imagination in the Diaspora: The Construction of a Pro-Israeli Narrative (2013) and co-editor of Australia and Israel: A Diasporic, Cultural and Political Relationship (2015).

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