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Israel Votes 2026AnalysisIsrael

‘Moroccan monkey’: Israel’s ethnic divide still shapes its elections

A racist slur against Gadi Eisenkot exposes the enduring power of ethnic identity in Israeli politics as the prospect of Israel’s first Mizrahi prime minister threatens Netanyahu’s hold on traditional Likud voters
Shahar Burla
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Election contender Gadi Eisenkot (left) and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu come from opposite sides of Israeli society (TJI)

Published: 21 October 2026

Last updated: 21 October 2026

It would be reasonable to expect ethnic origin to matter less in Israeli elections. Most Israelis were born and raised in the country, and marriages between Ashkenazi and Mizrahi Jews have increasingly blurred boundaries inherited from their grandparents’ countries of birth. Yet, almost five decades after Likud’s historic victory in 1977, ethnic identity remains a potent campaign weapon. With a week until the election, the prospect of Israel’s first Mizrahi prime minister has brought those tensions back to centre stage.

On Saturday evening, Yinon Magal, a prominent media ally of Benjamin Netanyahu and a host on the pro-Netanyahu Channel 14, called Gadi Eisenkot a “monkey”, portraying the son of Moroccan immigrants as a figurehead controlled by Ashkenazi elites. “They put a monkey; behind him are all the elitist Ashkenazim who manage him,” Magal said, adding that Eisenkot's adviser, Ronen Manelis, “manages him and tells him what to say.”

The attack targeted precisely what makes Eisenkot politically threatening: his ability to challenge Likud’s longstanding claim to represent Mizrahi Israelis.

Among traditional Likud voters wary of Israel’s established elites, Eisenkot’s Mizrahi background and working-class roots are important selling points. Alongside his military credentials, they offer disillusioned supporters a reason to consider changing parties without feeling they are abandoning their community or its values. With several recent polls placing Likud around 20 seats, compared with the 32 it won in 2022, these voters represent a crucial electoral battleground.

Magal’s attack sought to undermine that appeal with a familiar message: whatever Eisenkot’s origins, the people supposedly controlling him belong to the same establishment Likud voters have long distrusted. The implication is that authentic Mizrahi representation depends less on a candidate’s background than on loyalty to Netanyahu.

There is no public evidence that Netanyahu directed the attack, and he subsequently condemned Magal’s remark. Nevertheless, it fits a broader political approach that has repeatedly deepened divisions between Netanyahu’s supporters and those portrayed as their enemies. Reviving ethnic suspicion may help rally wavering voters, even at the risk of exposing racism within his own camp. Eisenkot’s candidacy makes that gamble particularly consequential: it challenges the assumption that Mizrahi loyalty to Likud will endure regardless of who leads the alternative.

The long shadow of Begin’s breakthrough

Ethnic identity has shaped Israeli elections since well before Likud’s historic victory in 1977. Discrimination against Jews arriving from North Africa and the Middle East left grievances over housing, education, employment and cultural recognition. Menachem Begin offered those voters both political representation and public respect.

The defining moment came in 1981, when entertainer Dudu Topaz used “chah’chahim”, a derogatory Israeli slang term targeting Mizrahi Jews and mocking how Arabic-accented Hebrew sounded to European-descended Ashkenazi elites, at a Labor rally to disparage Likud supporters. Begin seized on the insult, turning his closing campaign address into an impassioned rejection of ethnic contempt.

He invoked Moshe Barazani and Meir Feinstein, underground fighters from different ethnic backgrounds who died together before their scheduled execution by the British. Their shared sacrifice supplied his answer to the division Topaz’s words exposed. The episode became an enduring symbol of Likud’s relationship with Mizrahi voters.

Subsequent campaigns repeatedly returned to the same terrain: an establishment accused of looking down on ordinary Israelis, and Likud presenting itself as their defender.

A political movement that draws strength from defending Mizrahi dignity has repeatedly had to confront contempt towards Mizrahim among people close to its leader. Eisenkot’s candidacy makes that contradiction harder to contain

Magal’s intervention reverses that familiar arrangement. This time, the contempt came from a prominent Netanyahu supporter, directed at a Mizrahi challenger. The argument nevertheless preserves the old dividing line: even a Moroccan candidate, it suggests, cannot represent authentic Mizrahi interests if the supposed Ashkenazi establishment supports him.

Contempt inside the supposed political home

Magal’s language cannot be separated from its ethnic framing. The Hebrew word for “monkey” can describe a frontman, but the accompanying references to Eisenkot’s origins and Ashkenazi handlers made the racial implications difficult to ignore.

Netanyahu subsequently condemned the remark as “highly inappropriate”, while accusing the opposition of failing to condemn insults against Likud voters. The political question is how such rhetoric fits within the broader campaign.

The Jewish Independent

The embarrassment is compounded by earlier revelations involving Netanyahu’s own circle. In March, Channel 12 reported racist remarks attributed to Ziv Agmon, Netanyahu’s spokesman and acting chief of staff, including descriptions of Mizrahi Likud parliamentarians as “baboons”. Agmon disputed the portrayal of him as racist. Netanyahu initially accepted his apology and said he would remain until a replacement was found, then reversed course following an internal backlash. 

An earlier recording, released in 2020, captured Netanyahu confidant Natan Eshel discussing the effectiveness of negative campaigning among “non-Ashkenazi” voters. “Hate is what unites our camp,” he said.

Together, these episodes expose a contradiction. A political movement that draws strength from defending Mizrahi dignity has repeatedly had to confront contempt towards Mizrahim among people close to its leader. Eisenkot’s candidacy makes that contradiction harder to contain.

What actually explains the voting gap?

The persistence of ethnic voting patterns does not mean ancestry determines political allegiance. Hebrew University economist Professor Momi Dahan examined nine elections, using common surnames to classify localities and urban areas by ethnic background. In the March 2021 election, right-wing parties received approximately 65 per cent of votes in areas classified as Mizrahi, compared with 42 per cent in Ashkenazi areas.

Yet the gap was much smaller in 2006. More significantly, Dahan found that differences largely disappeared after accounting for education and religiosity. These are findings about patterns across communities, rather than a means of predicting individual choices. 

Eisenkot presents a particular challenge because his background potentially loosens the association between Mizrahi identity and loyalty to Likud. Voters can consider changing parties without feeling they are abandoning their community or embracing an establishment that once rejected them

The implications challenge simplistic explanations on both sides. Historical discrimination matters, but it cannot alone explain why the gap changes between elections. Nor can Mizrahi voters be treated as a single bloc, immune to changing leadership, circumstances or priorities.

Religion, education, social belonging and perceptions of national threat overlap with ethnic identity. Campaigns can activate those connections, encouraging voters to interpret political competition through questions of loyalty and exclusion.

That also means the divide is politically maintained. Shared birthplaces and mixed families may weaken inherited boundaries, but politicians and commentators can keep giving those boundaries new significance.

The voters Netanyahu needs to hold

Eisenkot presents a particular challenge because his background potentially loosens the association between Mizrahi identity and loyalty to Likud. Voters can consider changing parties without feeling they are abandoning their community or embracing an establishment that once rejected them.

Magal’s argument attempts to close that opening: Eisenkot may be Mizrahi, but the people allegedly controlling him are the same old elites.

This is a plausible reading of the attack’s political function, rather than evidence of a coordinated instruction from Netanyahu. Across the past seven years, however, Netanyahu’s campaigning has repeatedly sharpened divisions between his supporters and institutions or groups portrayed as hostile to them.

Reviving ethnic suspicion could help rally wavering supporters, even at the cost of exposing racism within his own camp. It could also backfire, giving those voters another reason to question who truly respects them.

Israel’s ethnic divide should, by now, have diminished. Its return to centre stage shows how powerfully electoral competition can renew it, especially when a credible Mizrahi challenger threatens to take voters whom Likud has long considered its own.

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About the author

Shahar Burla

Shahar Burla

Dr Shahar Burla is a Sydney-based researcher, lecturer and Contributing Editor of TJI. Shahar holds a Master’s degree in political science from Hebrew University and a PhD in political science from Bar-Ilan University. He is the author of Political Imagination in the Diaspora: The Construction of a Pro-Israeli Narrative (2013) and co-editor of Australia and Israel: A Diasporic, Cultural and Political Relationship (2015).

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