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HomeRead, Watch, ListenIsrael
Israel Votes 2026AnalysisIsrael

Gadi Eisenkot: the opponent most likely to beat Netanyahu

Eisenkot has surged in the polls to present a serious challenge to Netanyahu. He may be about to become Israel's first Mizrahi prime minister
Shahar Burla
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Gadi Eisenkot

Gadi Eizenkot at an anti-government demonstration and alternative memorial service in April 2026 (Alexi Rosenfeld/Getty Images)

Published: 25 June 2026

Last updated: 13 July 2026

For much of the past year, the upcoming Israeli election appeared to be likely to be a familiar contest. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu would face former prime minister Naftali Bennett, while the opposition searched for a formula to end the longest-serving premier's political dominance.

Instead, an unexpected figure has emerged at the centre of the race. Recent polling suggests that former IDF chief of staff Gadi Eisenkot has overtaken both Bennett and Netanyahu as the politician many Israelis now consider most suitable to serve as prime minister. His newly established party, Yashar (“Straight”), has surged steadily in the polls, while support for Bennett and Yair Lapid's joint political project has gradually declined. According to recent surveys, Yashar is now running neck-and-neck with Netanyahu's Likud as Israel's largest party.

Netanyahu has already begun targeting Eisenkot directly, portraying him as inexperienced, politically naïve and weak on national security. Yet the attacks may reveal something more significant: genuine concern within Likud that a candidate few considered a serious contender only a year ago has become the most credible threat to Netanyahu's continued rule.

The question is no longer whether Eisenkot is a serious political player, but whether he could unseat the man who has dominated Israeli politics for 20 years.

From Golani commander to political contender

At 66, Eisenkot brings a markedly different background from many of Israel's recent political leaders. Born in Eilat to Moroccan immigrant parents, he built his reputation through a four-decade military career rather than through elite political networks. Unlike Netanyahu and Bennett, who both emerged from the prestigious Sayeret Matkal unit, Eisenkot spent his career in the Golani Brigade, rising steadily through the ranks before becoming IDF chief of staff between 2015 and 2019.

His personal losses transformed Eisenkot into a national symbol of sacrifice and service

The Jewish Independent

His military résumé is extensive. He served during both Lebanon wars, both intifadas and numerous military operations. Yet his public image was shaped as much by his temperament as by his service record. Even as chief of staff, Eisenkot developed a reputation for caution, professionalism and strategic planning rather than political grandstanding.

After Netanyahu allies mocked his accented English in a social media campaign, Eisenkot responded by asking: ‘Where was Netanyahu's excellent English on October 7?’

His entry into politics was comparatively recent. In 2022 he joined Benny Gantz's National Unity party and entered the Knesset. Following Hamas' October 7 attack, he joined Netanyahu's emergency wartime government alongside Gantz.

For many Israelis, however, Eisenkot's public identity became inseparable from personal tragedy. His son Gal was killed fighting in Gaza in December 2023. Two of his nephews were also killed during the war. His personal losses transformed Eisenkot into a national symbol of sacrifice and service at a time when questions about military burden-sharing and political leadership were becoming increasingly prominent.

Eisenkot as IDF Chief of Staff
Eisenkot as IDF Chief of Staff

The gamble that changed the race

Only a year ago, Eisenkot's political future looked uncertain. In mid-2025, he informed Gantz that he intended to leave National Unity and establish his own political path. Eisenkot had become increasingly frustrated with what he viewed as Gantz's willingness to cooperate with Netanyahu and concluded that replacing the prime minister required a clearer political alternative.

The decision was widely viewed as risky. Most analysts assumed Eisenkot would eventually join a larger opposition alliance. Even after launching Yashar, he remained overshadowed by Bennett, who was widely considered the leading candidate to unite anti-Netanyahu voters. When Bennett and Lapid merged their political forces earlier this year, many expected Eisenkot to fall into line and accept a secondary role.

Instead, he refused. That decision increasingly looks like one of the most consequential political calculations of the campaign.

As support for the Bennett-Lapid alliance gradually softened, Eisenkot's numbers continued to climb. Week after week, polling showed Yashar gaining support while voters drifted away from Bennett-Lapid. What initially appeared to be a protest vote evolved into a genuine movement.

With elections expected later this year, Eisenkot is now positioned not as a supporting player but as the central figure in the opposition camp.

Why Israelis are responding

Eisenkot's rise reflects broader changes in Israeli society since October 7. For years, Israeli politics rewarded charismatic communicators, media performers and political tacticians. Netanyahu excelled in that environment. His mastery of television, social media and international diplomacy helped define Israeli politics for much of the past two decades.

Eisenkot represents almost the opposite model. He is not a particularly polished public speaker. He lacks Netanyahu's international profile, Bennett's entrepreneurial success story and Lapid's media background. His English is functional but far from fluent, a weakness that Netanyahu's supporters have repeatedly highlighted.

Yet qualities once viewed as political liabilities increasingly appear to be assets. After October 7, many Israelis became less interested in performance and more interested in competence, credibility and personal integrity. Eisenkot's understated style, military experience and willingness to accept responsibility contrast sharply with widespread public frustration over the failures surrounding the Hamas attack.

Having lost a son and two nephews in the war, Eisenkot has championed the idea of ‘service for all’, advocating reforms to longstanding military exemptions for ultra-Orthodox Israelis

His response to criticism over his English captured this sentiment. After Netanyahu allies mocked his accented English in a social media campaign, Eisenkot responded by asking: “Where was Netanyahu's excellent English on October 7?” The line resonated because it reflected a broader public mood: communication skills matter, but results matter more.

Polling conducted by various political parties reportedly suggests that Eisenkot is also attracting moderate Likud voters who remain uneasy about the growing influence of hard-line coalition figures, such as National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich. In that sense, his appeal extends beyond the traditional centre-left electorate.

Israel's first Mizrahi prime minister? 

Eisenkot's background also carries political significance. If elected, he would become Israel's first Mizrahi prime minister, breaking a long-standing pattern in which the country's top political office has been dominated by leaders from Ashkenazi backgrounds. The son of Moroccan immigrants, Eisenkot's personal story resonates with many Israelis who see themselves outside the traditional political elite.

Unlike many senior politicians, he continues to project a relatively modest lifestyle and public image. Supporters describe him as pragmatic, disciplined and respectful, even toward political opponents. Critics sometimes interpret those same qualities as evidence that he lacks the aggressiveness needed for political combat.

His policy positions also help explain his broad appeal.

Eisenkot opposed efforts to weaken Israel's judiciary long before the October 7 attack. At the same time, his military credentials provide reassurance to voters who prioritise security. Unlike Bennett, he has expressed support for seeking future accommodation with the Palestinians, making him more acceptable to centre-left voters while retaining credibility among more moderate conservatives.

Perhaps most importantly, he has become associated with the principle of shared national responsibility. Having lost a son and two nephews in the war, Eisenkot has championed the idea of “service for all”, advocating reforms to longstanding military exemptions for ultra-Orthodox Israelis.

That message has growing resonance in a country exhausted by war and increasingly divided over who bears the burden of national service.

Can he beat Netanyahu?

The challenge facing Eisenkot remains immense. Netanyahu retains a loyal voter base, formidable political instincts and one of the most disciplined electoral machines in Israeli politics. His coalition remains cohesive, and many observers have prematurely predicted his political demise before.

Yet for the first time in years, the opposition may have found a challenger capable of reshaping the contest. Eisenkot is not running as Israel's next political celebrity. He is running as something far less common in contemporary politics: a figure whose appeal rests on restraint rather than charisma, service rather than spectacle, and credibility rather than performance.

Whether that will be enough to defeat Netanyahu remains uncertain. But as the election campaign gathers pace, it is increasingly clear that Eisenkot is no longer merely another former general entering politics. He has become the standard-bearer for Israelis looking for a different style of leadership, and perhaps a different future after two decades defined largely by Benjamin Netanyahu.

READ MORE 

New poll sees Eisenkot sail past Bennett to tie with Netanyahu’s Likud (The Times of Israel)

Eisenkot is the leader we deserve (Raviv Drucker, Haaretz)

Can political novice Eisenkot defeat Netanyahu in upcoming elections? (Paywall, Al-Monitor) 

Who is Gadi Eisenkot, the Israeli politician who could dethrone Netanyahu? (The Forward)

Eisenkot gains momentum in polls, making a merger with Bennett and Lapid all the less likely (Haaretz) 

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About the author

Shahar Burla

Shahar Burla

Dr Shahar Burla is a Sydney-based researcher, lecturer and Contributing Editor of TJI. Shahar holds a Master’s degree in political science from Hebrew University and a PhD in political science from Bar-Ilan University. He is the author of Political Imagination in the Diaspora: The Construction of a Pro-Israeli Narrative (2013) and co-editor of Australia and Israel: A Diasporic, Cultural and Political Relationship (2015).

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Comments1

  • Avatar of Bart

    Bart30 June at 03:38 am

    Given the praise for Eisenkot’s purported moderation and military service, I’m surprised it was considered irrelevant for this introduction that the general is himself the author of the IDF’s 2008 “Dahiya Doctrine” that calls for disproportionate violence against civilian life and economic infrastructure as retribution for armed resistance against Israel. Can one be a moderate war criminal?