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Royal CommissionEditorialAustralia

We must temper our great expectations of the Royal Commission

The Royal Commission into Antisemitism and Social Cohesion is an important step expected to provide practical strategies to reduce the threat to Jewish Australians, but we must be realistic about what it can achieve.
The Jewish Independent
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VIRGINIA BELL Royal Commission

Justice Virginia Bell has been appointed to head the Royal Commission into Antisemitism and Social Cohesion (AAP Image/POOL/Paul Miller)

Published: 15 January 2026

Last updated: 6 May 2026

There have been 15 Royal Commissions in Australia since the year 2000, on topics ranging from banking misconduct to aged care to the equine influenza epidemic.

As we prepare for the Royal Commission into Antisemitism and Social Cohesion announced last week, it is important to consider what they have achieved and what can reasonably be expected from this important and necessary attempt to address growing antisemitism.

Royal Commissions can identify causes, improve systems and provide guardrails for vulnerable groups but they have not, and cannot be expected to, remove all bad actors or prevent all instances of any problem.

We must approach this Royal Commission with a realistic understanding of its capacity to foment change. It must improve Jewish safety and work towards repairing Australian social cohesion without overly trespassing on freedom of speech.

Simply establishing the Commission and setting its terms of reference achieves something. It acknowledges the seriousness of the threat not just to Australian Jews but to the social cohesion of our entire society.

15 innocent people might still be alive had police and government responded with equal seriousness on October 9, 2023

As a response to the Bondi massacre, the establishment of a Royal Commission recognises that the worst mass murder in Australia in 30 years did not occur in isolation: ambient antisemitism must be considered as a precipitating factor. Even if the shooters are found to have been acting without the auspices of a terrorist organisation, they cannot be considered lone wolves in the context of widespread hostility and increasing attacks on Jewish Australians.

It is tragic indeed, that it took the extremity of Bondi for government to be shocked into taking this step. We will live forever under that shadow of wondering if 15 innocent people might still be alive had police and governments responded with equal seriousness on October 9, 2023, when some Australians protested the Sydney Opera House lighting up in sympathy for the murder, rape and kidnapping of mostly Israeli Jews. What if police had charged those who shouted ‘Kill the Jews’ at the Opera House? What if those who celebrated the October 7 attack at Lakemba Mosque had been placed on a watchlist and banned from owning guns?

We can’t know, of course, and nor can we expect that any action by police or government, including a Royal Commission, will guarantee Jewish safety. Antisemitism is a complex, pervasive and enduring phenomenon. As a tiny minority insistent upon our right to maintain our culture and religion in diverse environments, we have always been vulnerable to the hostility of those afraid of difference and determined to find victims for their anger.

But we can expect a deep and specific analysis of the causes of the current rise in antisemitic incidents and the development of practical strategies to reduce the threat to Jewish Australians.

It is essential that the Royal Commission deals head-on with the relationship between hostility to Israel and hostility to Diaspora Jews. The rise in antisemitism is strongly correlated with the October 7 attack on Israel and the subsequent Hamas-Israel war in Gaza.

We cannot deal with antisemitism without confronting the way in which the term Zionist, or its sneering derivative “Zio”, has become a term of abuse directed at Jews.  Most Australian Jews identify as Zionists, with 90% supporting a strong communal attachment with Israel and 88% feeling a deep personal connection.

But our understanding of the term ‘Zionist’, as simply supporting the existence of the state of Israel, is very different from the widespread characterisation of Zionism as an indictment of modern Israeli history and an encapsulation of the worst excesses of this Israeli government and its armed forces.

In this distorted perception lies the pathway by which Jews have been doxed and threatened, excluded and abused, had our businesses, synagogues and schools vandalised, and ultimately become the target of deranged killers.

Jews the world over share community with Israel, the country that is home to almost half our people, bears our symbols, and the wellspring of our people, history and religion.

This community of fate, to use a term coined by Rabbi Jonathan Sacks, exists regardless of the degree to which Australian Jews support Israel’s current government (most don’t, at least on some parameters.)

The adoption of the internationally accepted IHRA definition of antisemitism by the Albanese government is helpful because it provides a mechanism by which the Royal Commission can determine whether an attack on Israel is fair criticism or whether it veers into antisemitism. (It might start with the statements from the current poster child for free speech Randa Abdel-Fattah that describe Israel and Zionism as “cursed stains on humanity whose end date is speedily approaching”.)

It should be made clear that supporting Palestinian rights, calling for a “Free Palestine”, or protesting particular Israeli actions are in no way antisemitic and indeed many Jews, in Israel, Australia and elsewhere, endorse the establishment of Palestine alongside Israel.

But we cannot allow hatred to hide behind the claim that it is simply political free speech. The Jewish Independent’s Crossroads25 survey revealed that while traditional stereotypes of Jewish power are fairly marginal, younger and more left-wing Australians are increasingly hostile to Israel and that hostility to Israel sharply increases the likelihood of subscribing to canards about Jewish power.

The survey also found widespread misunderstanding and ignorance about Israel, including a disturbing tendency to agree with the characterisation of Israel’s treatment of Palestinian as analogous to Nazi treatment of Jews, a comparison which is false, offensive and an indicative example of antisemitism under the IHRA definition.

The Australian community will be looking for solutions that move beyond the internecine Israel-Palestine conflict to social change that enables a more harmonious Australia.

Security is essential but the Royal Commission’s job is to look at precipitating factors which determine why we need that security

The terms of reference give us hope. They wisely focus on antisemitism, recognising that a broad-brush attempt to address all kinds of racism would be too diffuse to address antisemitism’s specific characteristics.

They couch the problem in terms of both religious and ideologically motivated extremism and radicalisation, which leaves the door open for the necessary acknowledgement of the slippage between political positioning and extremist hate.

They push inquiry into specific solutions, including the difficult and necessary questions of law enforcement, border control and immigration, but position the Commission within a broader context of social cohesion that will also enable it to offer broader community-building recommendations.

While the terms of reference also include the circumstances leading up to the Bondi attack, it will be for the Richardson Review to address the concurrent and essential question of why ASIO and the Australian Federal Police did not anticipate and prevent the Bondi massacre. This separation is appropriate. Security is essential but the Royal Commission’s job is to look at precipitating factors which determine why we need that security.

There is also a separate task force headed by David Gonski on the best education strategies, an essential plank which can also backfire if not well-handled.

Many Jewish individuals and groups will want to engage with the Royal Commission, and it is important that we grasp the opportunity fully. Those who have claimed rhetorically that the rise in antisemitism makes Australia “feel like Germany in the 1930s” couldn’t be more wrong.

We are living in a country where the government supports our rights to safety and freedom and is investing – albeit after some persuasion– in a Royal Commission to secure our lives as Jewish Australians. It is an action that supports the very values that brought us to this distant land.

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