Aa
  • Read, Watch, Listen
  • TJI Series
  • Community Action
  • Events
  • Zedi
Follow us and continue the conversation
  • LinkedIn
  • Instagram
  • FaceBook
  • X
  • YouTube
Test yourself with the TJI Quiz!

Adjust size of text

Aa

Follow us and continue the conversation

  • LinkedIn
  • Instagram
  • FaceBook
  • X
  • YouTube

Your saved articles

You haven't saved any articles

What are you looking for?

Original reporting, insightful analysis and diverse views, delivered straight to your inbox

  • LinkedIn
  • Instagram
  • FaceBook
  • X
  • YouTube
Your support fuels our mission to inform, entertain and inspire.

The Jewish Independent is bound by the Standards of Practice of the Australian Press Council. If you believe the Standards may have been breached, you may approach The Jewish Independent or make a complaint to the Australian Press Council in writing at www.presscouncil.org.au. The Council may also be contacted on 1800 025 712.

  • Our Story
  • Contact us
  • Our Team
  • Support us
  • Guidelines
  • Pitch your idea
  • Republishing us
  • Community Action
  • Our Awards
  • LinkedIn
  • Instagram
  • FaceBook
  • X
  • YouTube
Aboriginal FlagTorres Strait Islanders Flag

The Jewish Independent acknowledges Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples as the Traditional Owners and Custodians of Country throughout Australia. We pay our respects to Elders past and present, and strive to honour their rich history of storytelling in our work and mission.

© The Jewish Independent 2026All Rights Reserved
Website design and development by Your Creative, MelbourneTerms & ConditionsPrivacy Policy
HomeRead, Watch, ListenWorld
FeatureWorld

Israel’s civil crisis: The deafening silence of Diaspora leadership bodies

Colin Shindler
Print this

Published: 21 February 2023

Last updated: 5 March 2024

Community and religious leaders are turning in on themselves, as if the situation is too painful to confront, focussing on the easier targets of antisemitism and Iran.

A Survation poll last week, commissioned by The Jewish News in the UK, indicated that 52% of British Jews felt their view of Israel was impacted by the presence of the far-Right in Netanyahu's government. Some 42% felt that it was not.

It also showed that older people were more reticent to criticise an Israeli government than younger people — of whom some 85% were ready to criticise publicly. The young were also more eager to tell Jewish organisations not to offer a platform to the likes of far-Right Israeli politicians Bezalel Smotrich, Itamar Ben-Gvir and Avi Maoz.

The questions in this survey targeted the imagery of Israel in the Diaspora psyche at its very roots. As if to add insult to injury, the poll also noted that 70% of the respondents believed that Israel was completely indifferent to the opinions of Diaspora Jews.

With the Kahanists at the heart of government, the dam of silent acquiescence for many Diaspora Jews is cracking. The Kahanists are severing the bond between public relations for Israel and public reality in Diaspora thinking.

Rabbi Meir Kahane emigrated to Israel from the US in the early 1970s. His presence coincided with the decline of the Left and the rise of the Right which came to power in 1977. The Right, however, then had to govern and to make pragmatic decisions. Many could not adapt after decades in the political wilderness. This led to splits and schisms — and this sowed the seeds of Kahanism without Kahane in Israel.

The far-Right emerged from the disputes within the Likud over Menachem Begin's willingness to sign the Camp David Accord with Egypt's Anwar Sadat in 1979. This agreement has brought over 40 years of peace between the two countries, but it also bore witness to the advance of a multitude of far-Right parties, entering the governments of first, Yitzhak Shamir in the early 1990s and then those of Benjamin Netanyahu.

The Kahanists are severing the bond between public relations for Israel and public reality in Diaspora thinking.

Unlike his predecessor, Yitzhak Shamir, Netanyahu welcomed the far-Right into government. He smiled benevolently on the chaos caused but was determined that not a single Right-wing vote should be lost — even the crazies and the eccentrics should cross the 3.25% threshold to gain representation in the Knesset. The end result has been a series of Netanyahu coalitions — but accompanied by increasing rancour and division, the disappearance of a broad consensus in Israel and a rising anger from the young in the Diaspora.

Amidst this furore, most Diaspora Jewish organisations decided that the best way forward was to remain silent. No doubt many detested the Kahanists privately and resented Netanyahu’s games but believed that they could work quietly against this Israeli government behind the scenes.

Some are doubtlessly waiting for an appropriate time, a crisis moment, to speak out. The template is the invasion of Lebanon in 1982 when there was an initial enthusiasm and a jingoistic support for Operation Peace in Galilee. When the debacle of Begin and Sharon's ill-fated initiative became all too apparent amidst huge demonstrations in Israel, the miniscule minority of British Jews who opposed the invasion at the outset were no longer laughed at.

The killing of Palestinian men, women and children in the camps at Sabra and Shatila by Christian Phalangists — as Israeli soldiers stood guard outside — proved a moral turning point. Representative organisations in the UK leapt on President Navon's suggestion that a Commission of Inquiry should be set up in a desperate effort in playing catch-up.   

Representative organisations have remained embarrassingly unrepresentative and a studied silence has prevailed. Many ask their leaders why they continue to remain silent: 'If not now, then when?'

There are startling parallels with 1982 today. Some fear reputational damage on speaking out; for others it is the prospect of leverage from funders.  

Yet criticism today seems to have been farmed out to individuals whose independence allowed them to protest. The UK philanthropist, Sir Mick Davis, now living in Israel, who has written scathingly about the current situation, is a case in point.

Netanyahu's assault on the system of judicial checks and balances in Israel has similarly allowed many Jewish lawyers to voice their concerns, including well-known figures such as Alan Dershowitz in the United States and Anthony Julius in the UK.

Jewish organisations seem to be turning in on themselves as if the situation is too painful to confront. It has proved easier to focus on antisemitism and Iranian terrorism. To this is added, a genuine fear of an abrupt disruption of worthy Diaspora projects in Israel on the instructions of Smotrich, Ben-Gvir and Maoz.

No doubt the question of “speaking out will aid our enemies” was raised, but does not the presence of this trio in government do even greater damage to Jewish national interests worldwide and to the cause of Zion?

The Uk survey showed that older people were more reticent to criticise an Israeli government than younger people — of whom some 85% were ready to criticise publicly.

The BBC has prominently featured these vast demonstrations in Israel every Saturday night — often as the opening item. Is not this display of open protest an asset in demonstrating a vibrant Israeli democracy in stark contrast to the authoritarian Islamists of Hamas and the many corrupt surrounding states? 

Jewish community bodies seem to be acting out of habit rather than perceiving that a new situation has arisen in Israel-Diaspora relations.

In a series of scientific surveys in the UK, British Jews have repeatedly opposed the settlement drive — 75% consistently did not agree with the policies of successive Netanyahu governments on the question of settlements.

Representative organisations, however, remained embarrassingly unrepresentative on this issue and a studied silence has prevailed. The present situation, however, goes far beyond the politics of Left and Right and of religious and secular. Many ask their leaders why they continue to remain silent: “If not now, then when?”

In the UK and Australia, a “Choose Democracy” movement has been established. Its campaign statement says: “We either remain silent or stand in solidarity with those across Israel fighting for democracy. We choose to stand on the side of Israelis protesting against an extremist government.”

In the UK and Australia, a 'Choose Democracy' movement has been established. The signatories on petitions, however, rarely include the names of figures representing central Orthodoxy.

The signatories on petitions and open letters, however, rarely include the names of figures representing central Orthodoxy. One reason was that that the Orthodox did not wish to be associated with the Reform and the secular — but then why not start a separate initiative in the name of the founders of religious Zionism, Kalischer and Alkalai, Reines and Mogilever, Maimon and Bar-Ilan?

The late UK Chief Rabbi Immanuel Jakobovits did not flinch from taking an openly moral stand. It did not make him friends in some quarters but he was deeply respected for having the courage of his convictions and of doing the right thing. Why then allow the disciples of Meir Kahane to speak for religious Zionists today?

As the Survation poll implies, the young have been deserted by their elders. They have no moral lodestone to turn their heads towards. 

The founding of a Hebrew Republic in 1948 changed Jewish history. There is only “before” and “after”. Today few remember this and see only Smotrich, Ben-Gvir and Maoz. If the Kahanists are allowed to define Jewishness and to forge the future, then we will be relegated to speaking about “lost generations” who feel distant from Israel — and this will be due to the myopia and timidity of leadership.

There are consequences in remaining silent. Everyone has choices.

You might also like
  • Israel election explainer: the main parties
    Shahar Burla
  • Sanctioning settlements is a defence of Israel, not an attack
    Elisheva Madar
  • Sanctions must influence, not just perform disapproval
    Adam Slonim
logomark.67a07ee3
We believe in the free flow of information

Republish our articles for free, online or in print, by using our Creative Commons licence

You might also like

    Pro-Palestine Rally Outside Foreign Commonwealth Development Office
    AnalysisWorld

    UK’s dramatic policy change on Israel-Palestine

    Colin Shindler 3
    Apple & rotten core Rosh hashanah
    EditorialAustralia

    Facing a new year with the knowledge life can be better

    The Jewish Independent
    JDC Joint Nepal
    FeatureWorld

    ‘Your help is extremely needed’: Jewish aid group on the ground after Nepal flood

    Peter Kohn 1

About the author

Colin Shindler

Colin Shindler

Colin Shindler is an emeritus professor of Israel Studies at SOAS, University of London. He is the author of several books about Israel: the latest "A Forever War: Israel, Palestine and the Struggles for Statehood" was published in 2026.

More from the author

AnalysisWorld

UK’s dramatic policy change on Israel-Palestine

AnalysisWorld

Diaspora leadership must be candid about its disillusion with Netanyahu

AnalysisWorld

Burnham and Miliband will have trust issues with future Israeli government

AnalysisWorld

If Andy Burnham becomes UK PM, what will that mean for Middle East policy?