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HomeRead, Watch, ListenWorld
AnalysisWorld

The law wasn’t written for this war

Iran's nuclear ambitions and use of proxies challenge international law that allows force only in self-defence.
Adam Slonim
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Hezbollah rockets

Hezbollah rockets fired towards Israel in 2024 were attacks in Iran’s proxy war (JALAA MAREY/AFP via Getty Images)

Published: 11 March 2026

Last updated: 11 March 2026

The UN Charter was written to prevent war by making the rules simple: states may use force only after an armed attack occurs. But what happens when a regime spends decades building the means to destroy its rival—through proxies, missiles, and nuclear ambition—while carefully avoiding that triggering moment? The confrontation with Iran exposes a profound tension between the logic of international law and the realities of modern strategy.

International law prefers clarity. War, in the legal imagination, begins with a moment: a border crossed, a missile launched, a state attacked. Only then does the machinery of lawful self-defence begin to turn.

The difficulty with the confrontation between the United States, Israel, and Iran is that nothing about it resembles that tidy legal architecture.

Iran has not launched a full conventional invasion of Israel. Nor has it fired nuclear weapons. Yet for decades it has constructed something else: a lattice of armed proxies, missile forces, and nuclear capability that encircle Israel while openly proclaiming the state’s eventual destruction.

In that sense, the legal question at the heart of the current war is not simply whether the U.S. and Israeli strikes on Iran were lawful. It is whether the structure of international law is capable of meaningfully addressing the kind of conflict Iran has spent forty years perfecting.

Because the law was not written for this kind of war.

Clear language, opaque warfare

The governing document of modern international law—the United Nations Charter—draws an intentionally strict boundary around the use of force. Article 2(4) prohibits states from using military force against the territorial integrity or political independence of another state. Only two exceptions exist: authorisation by the UN Security Council, or the inherent right of self-defence recognized in Article 51 which says states may use force in self-defence “if an armed attack occurs.”

The phrase “armed attack occurs” has long been interpreted by many international lawyers as setting a high bar. Self-defence, under this view, is reactive. One may repel an attack already underway or respond to one that has clearly begun.

The definition of “last resort” becomes profoundly unstable when nuclear weapons and proxy wars enter the equation

Preventive war—striking a rival before it becomes dangerous—has traditionally been regarded as unlawful.

For critics of the U.S.–Israeli strikes on Iran, the legal conclusion therefore appears simple. Iran had not launched a direct armed attack on either country at the moment of the strikes. Without that trigger, the use of force violates the Charter’s prohibition. Many people have therefore described such strikes as unlawful or as setting troubling precedents.

Within the language of the Charter, the argument is coherent. But international law contains a concept that complicates the strict reading of Article 51: anticipatory self-defence.

The idea predates the UN Charter and arises from the nineteenth-century and still controversial Caroline case, which held that states could act in self-defence before an attack occurred if the threat was “instant, overwhelming, leaving no choice of means and no moment for deliberation.”

Many commentators reject anticipatory self-defence entirely, arguing that it erodes the prohibition on force by allowing states to justify war based on subjective fears.

Others argue that the concept remains essential in an era of missiles, nuclear weapons, and non-state proxies, where waiting for an attack may be catastrophic.

The disagreement goes to the heart of whether the law can function in a world where threats do not arrive neatly packaged as conventional invasions.

Iran represents precisely such a case.

The architecture of threat

For more than four decades, Iran has pursued a strategy that blurs the boundary between war and peace.

Rather than confront Israel directly, it has constructed a network of armed organisations—Hezbollah in Lebanon, Hamas and Islamic Jihad in Gaza, militias in Syria and Iraq, and the Houthis in Yemen—capable of striking Israel and its allies while maintaining plausible deniability.

This network is not incidental to Iranian strategy. It is the strategy.

The purpose is to create what a military planner has called “encirclement deterrence”: the ability to threaten Israel from multiple fronts without triggering the kind of interstate war that international law clearly recognises.

To this system Iran has added two additional layers.

The first is ballistic missile capability capable of reaching Israeli territory. The second is a nuclear program whose ultimate potential would transform the balance of power in the region.

Israeli leaders, especially Prime Minister Netanyahu, have therefore argued for years that Iran’s nuclear threshold represents not simply a strategic risk but an existential one.

Whether that claim is persuasive depends largely on one’s reading of Iranian intentions. But Iranian rhetoric on this matter is very clear. From the very top of the regime, senior figures in the Islamic Republic have repeatedly described Israel as a state that must be annihilated eventually disappear.

Taken together, the proxies, the missiles, and the nuclear program form something international law struggles to categorise: a long-term, multi-layered threat that never quite becomes the formal armed attack required by the UN Charter.

This is the central paradox. Under a strict reading of international law, a state threatened with annihilation must wait until the machinery of annihilation actually begins. Only then does self-defence clearly become lawful.

Yet in the nuclear age, waiting for that moment may mean waiting too long.

The tension between legal doctrine and strategic reality has haunted international law since the Cold War. Nuclear weapons compress decision time. Missile technology reduces warning. And the existence of non-state proxies further complicates attribution.

If Hezbollah rockets strike Israel from Lebanon with Iranian funding and guidance, is that an Iranian armed attack? If Iran builds nuclear weapons while publicly promising Israel’s destruction, does the threat remain hypothetical until the first launch?

International law offers no settled answer.

The Proxy problem

Iran’s reliance on proxy warfare presents an additional difficulty for the legal framework. The UN Charter assumes conflicts between identifiable states. Responsibility for attacks can therefore be attributed clearly. But proxy warfare deliberately muddies that attribution. Iran can supply weapons, training, and funding to militant groups while maintaining that those groups act independently.

When such groups attack Israel, the legal question becomes whether their actions are attributable to Iran itself.

Some analysts argue that persistent proxy attacks, when directed or supported by a state, can constitute an armed attack for purposes of self-defence. Others insist that the threshold remains extremely high. International law is ambiguous.

This scholarly debate becomes even more strained when nuclear proliferation enters the picture. International law does not explicitly allow states to use force to prevent another state from acquiring nuclear weapons.

But Israel and the US know that a nuclear-armed Iran would transform the security environment of the Middle East. It could shield proxy warfare behind a nuclear deterrent, complicate Israeli retaliation, and potentially trigger regional proliferation.

Supporters of preventive strikes therefore argue that waiting until nuclear capability becomes operational would be strategically reckless, indeed suicidal for Israel.

Critics counter that allowing states to bomb nuclear programs based on perceived future threats would effectively dismantle the prohibition on preventive war.

Law, strategy and morality

International law seeks to prevent wars by placing strict limits on the use of force. It prefers bright lines and reactive responses.

Strategy, by contrast, deals with probabilities, risks, and threats – short and long term. It often demands action before dangers fully materialise.

International law insists that force be a last resort. But the definition of “last resort” becomes profoundly unstable when nuclear weapons and proxy wars enter the equation.

The law asks states to wait. Strategy often tells them they cannot.

19th Century military theorist, Karl von Clausewitz famously said “war is the continuation of politics by other means.”

When law and politics fails to restrain those who openly seek destruction, force becomes the only language left on the table.

We are in such a moment now.

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About the author

Adam Slonim

Adam Slonim

(He/Him)

Adam is Director of the Middle East Policy Forum, a founder of Labor Friends of Israel, and is writing a book on the Gaza War, “The Gaslighting of Israel”.

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