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HomeRead, Watch, ListenIsrael
OpinionIsrael

The story isn’t the smashed statue, it’s the response

The way Israel handled an ugly incident shows that it is imperfect but just.
Adam Slonim
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IDF Jesus statue smash

A photo circulated on social media and authenticated by Israel’s military showing an IDF soldier smashing a statue of Jesus (X)

Published: 23 April 2026

Last updated: 23 April 2026

A small group of Israeli soldiers smashed a statue of Jesus. The act was crude, unnecessary, and wrong. It was also, in the way that single moments sometimes become, revealing. Not because of the vandalism itself—history is crowded with uglier things—but because of what followed. The soldiers were identified, investigated, dismissed, and in some cases jailed. Bystanders were questioned: why did you not intervene? Why did you not stop it?

It is tempting, in the present climate, to treat every story about Israel as a Rorschach test: evidence, for some, of moral collapse; for others, of an unfair standard applied with unusual ferocity. But the deeper significance of the episode lies elsewhere. It lies in the fact that the system did not look away. It did not celebrate. It did not excuse. It did not reframe the act as an understandable expression of grievance. It treated it, plainly, as wrongdoing.

In a region where religious desecration is often applauded, ignored, or subsumed into a politics of permanent grievance, that distinction is not trivial. It is structural.

To understand why, one has to widen the lens beyond the immediate outrage of the moment and return to the longer arc of Jewish history—a history not merely of suffering but of precarity. A people that spent centuries at the mercy of rulers, moods, mobs, and myths; a people who learned, over and over, that tolerance was often conditional and revocable. Expulsion followed flourishing; acceptance gave way to suspicion; security dissolved into vulnerability with frightening speed.

Israel emerged from that history not as an abstraction, but as an answer. Israel is the political expression of a civilisational insistence that Jewish life should no longer be contingent on the goodwill of others. It is what happens when a people decides, after centuries of exposure, that it will assume responsibility for its own survival.

Israel's defaults are not impunity and denial, but investigation and consequence.

That decision carries consequences. Some are visible in the extraordinary: a small country, surrounded by hostility, sustaining itself through ingenuity, resilience, and a kind of collective vigilance that is difficult to explain to those who have never lived under persistent threat. Some are visible in the ordinary: a society that argues incessantly with itself, that litigates its own conduct, that subjects its institutions—military, political, judicial—to scrutiny that can feel relentless.

And some are visible in moments like the statue. The soldiers who acted did not do so in a vacuum. They were judged within a system that remains anchored—however imperfectly—in law, accountability, and a moral vocabulary that has not been abandoned.

This is what is meant, or should be meant, by the claim that Israel is structurally a just society. Not that it is flawless. Not that it is free of error, excess, or injustice. But that its institutions, at their core, are designed to recognise wrongdoing and to correct it. That its defaults are not impunity and denial, but investigation and consequence.

That distinction is often obscured in the current discourse, where Israel is increasingly cast as a kind of moral aberration, a pariah state uniquely defined by its failings. The context in which it operates—continuous conflict, adversaries who do not merely oppose its policies but reject its existence, a regional environment marked by authoritarianism, sectarianism, and instability—is frequently treated as incidental, or worse, irrelevant.

Context is not an excuse. It is an explanation. For 78 years, Israel has existed in a condition that most states would find intolerable: a state of chronic insecurity, punctuated by war, terrorism, and the persistent knowledge that its margin for error is thin. Its neighbours have not always been stable partners; some have been implacable enemies. Non-state actors—Hezbollah, Hamas, others—have defined their purpose in terms that leave little room for coexistence.

To sustain a liberal democracy under such conditions is not automatic. It is an achievement.

That achievement is visible not only in the resilience of its institutions, but in the vitality of its society. Israel ranks, year after year, among the world’s happiest countries—a statistic that seems almost implausible until one considers the intensity of its communal life, the strength of its social bonds, the sense of purpose that animates it. Its economy, disproportionately driven by high technology, reflects a culture that prizes innovation, education, and the application of human talent.

Imagine what the region might look like if more of its societies were organised around similar principles

None of this negates its flaws. The current government includes figures whose rhetoric and policies raise serious concerns, not least about the balance between power and restraint, identity and pluralism. The tensions surrounding the role of ultra-Orthodox communities—particularly in relation to military service and economic participation—are real and consequential.

Israel’s politics are not static. Governments rise and fall. Public opinion shifts. Institutions push back. The presence of extremism within a government does not, by itself, define the nature of the state. It reflects, rather, the contingent outcomes of democratic processes—outcomes that can be reversed, challenged, and reshaped.

The Middle East is frequently described in terms of its divisions: tribal, sectarian, ideological. Its conflicts are framed as intractable, its prospects as limited. Israel is a counterexample a functioning, self-critical, innovative society that has managed to combine survival with a commitment—however contested—to law and to a certain moral seriousness.

Imagine what the region might look like if more of its societies were organised around similar principles. Israel remains a beacon, not because it is perfect, but because even when it falters, Israeli society does not entirely lose sight of the values that gave rise to it.

The smashed statue is not the story. The response to it is. And in that response—imperfect, incomplete, but real—one can glimpse the enduring logic of a nation that, in a sea of historical darkness, has insisted on the possibility of light.

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About the author

Adam Slonim

Adam Slonim

(He/Him)

Adam is Director of the Middle East Policy Forum, a founder of Labor Friends of Israel, and is writing a book on the Gaza War, “The Gaslighting of Israel”.

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Comments6

  • Avatar of Rachel Sussman

    Rachel Sussman25 April at 02:53 am

    Thank you for this article.
    It brings some common sense into a hateful and endlessly judgmental world, where even within us many fail to see with clarity…. For all its ‘evils’ Israel is still one I look up to with my head up, not because it is perfect – it is not – but because of its willingness to reflect on its imperfection even as it is constantly criticized, defamed, and isolated even by its own!

  • Avatar of Bruce Hill

    Bruce Hill24 April at 02:29 am

    It’s spelled “kool-aid”, Jefery.

  • Avatar of Judy

    Judy23 April at 08:15 am

    Reference:

    [OCHA] https://www.ochaopt.org/sites/default/files/West%20Bank_March_2026_Snapshot.pdf

    [LAW] https://www.adalah.org/uploads/uploads/Death_Penalty_Bill_unofficial_translation.pdf

    [ABC] https://www.abc.net.au/news/2026-03-13/israel-idf-drops-sde-temain-reservist-palestinian-abuse-case/106449540

  • Avatar of Judy

    Judy23 April at 08:14 am

    Media report / show Israeli settlers repeatedly destroying / attacking / terrorising Palestinian civilians, demolishing houses, stealing / torturing / murdering live animals, destroying water and electrical services on which Palestinians depend, terrorising children … while Israeli soldiers observe, support, even assist with these illegal actions.

    Since 1 January 2026 [OCHA]:

    33 Palestinians murdered
    790 Palestinians injured
    545 settler attacks resulting in casualties / property damage
    364 structures destroyed
    2,294 Palestinians displaced (1,754 by settler attacks)

    No settlers charged, on trial, imprisoned for these actions. Jewish “terrorists” in the West Bank avoid the mildest reproaches; Palestinian “terrorists” are required to be sentenced to death. [LAW]

    *No* charges placed against the settler who murdered Awdah Hathaleen in cold blood [28 July 2025], in full, video-ed splendour. *No* charges placed against the settler who shot Zakaria al-Adra face-on [13 October 2023], in full, video-ed glory. Charges *dropped* against soldiers who gang-raped a Palestinian; *no* charges placed against medical staff that hid it. [ABC]

    Where were these criminals “judged within a system that remains anchored … in law, accountability, and a moral vocabulary that has not been abandoned”? Where’s any “commitment … to law and to a certain moral seriousness”?

    Tears, Peace,
    Judy

  • Avatar of Jefrey Loewenstein

    Jefrey Loewenstein23 April at 07:13 am

    One has to wonder what cool-aid the writer has being drinking. All the evidence available – be that, inter alia, from inside Israel itself, media companies, support / medical groups (think Medicine sans Frontier, the Red Cross, etc) IDF soldiers, various government / international agencies, etc – plainly point to anything but a so-called moral IDF. And then there is now the very “tired” IDF response to any “incident”…..it’s being “investigated!” Has anyone ever read what the investigation of now hundreds of incidents has found. Nope! They are AWOL….because it is all talk and simple and plain BS.

  • Avatar of Jacob Dessauer

    Jacob Dessauer23 April at 04:51 am

    Adam you make excellent points
    You have helped me think deeper about this event and it’s ramifications
    Hopefully more people will pause and breathe before they act out their first thoughts