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HomeRead, Watch, ListenIsrael
AnalysisIsraelWorld

Unbroken Iran retains leverage as ceasefire announced

Iran's ability to disturb the global energy market means its strength is barely diminished as negotations to end the war reach a new stage.
Dror Doron
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Iran war damage Tehran

An man places a national flag on the ruins of the Sharif University of Technology’s data center in Tehran, which was struck on April 6 during the Iran War (Morteza Nikoubazl/NurPhoto via Getty Images)

Published: 8 April 2026

Last updated: 8 April 2026

The announcement of a two-week ceasefire and the opening of a new stage of negotiations between Iran and the Trump administration is a significant development in the strategic landscape of the Middle East.

This last-minute diplomatic success prevented the ongoing conflict from entering a new and highly destructive phase, as both sides were signaling their readiness to launch massive strikes on each other's critical assets. From Washington’s perspective, the set of vocal threats and ultimatums was a part of an aggressive negotiation tactic aimed at coercing Tehran to accept the US conditions for ending the war.

The timing and effectiveness of the ceasefire are yet to be determined. More than an hour after Trump's announcement, the Israeli military said it had identified missiles launched from Iran, and explosions from intercepted missiles could be heard in Tel Aviv. Gulf countries including Kuwait, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates also issued near-simultaneous alerts and activated air defenses.

But even if the two-week ceasefire is fully implemented, a fuller resolution to the war remains elusive. Any notion that Iran will give up its nuclear ambitions and hand over the stockpile of its highly enriched uranium, accept limitations on its ballistic missile arsenal or cut off any support to its proxies in Lebanon, Yemen, Iraq and Gaza, seems highly unlikely.

These are the core elements of Iran’s decades-long national security strategy and the effectiveness of this strategy has been clearly evident throughout the past six weeks. Iran’s ability to block the straits of Hormuz, the destructive projection of power over the Gulf states and their energy production infrastructure and Hezbollah's capability to engage with Israel from Lebanon. By employing those tools in this asymmetrical warfare, Tehran was able to withstand the attacks of overwhelmingly military superior forces. The frustration and unhinged language in Trump’s latest social media messages were the clearest indications of this Iranian success.

As long as Tehran holds the ability to dramatically disturb the global energy market by both choking the Hormuz Strait and posing a credible threat to the Gulf states’ energy production infrastructures,  and the 440kg of 60% enriched uranium still on its soil, its negotiators will have a marked leverage over the US.

Under these conditions, we should expect Iran to try to set its own demands for any permanent cessation of hostilities. In fact, the stands already published by Iran should be seen as an opening stand for any future negotiations. Those include far-fetched demands such as compensation for the damages it suffered throughout this war, recognition of its sovereignty over the Hormuz straits, assurances that it will not be attacked in the future and the protection of Hezbollah in Lebanon from Israel’s wrath.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has already excluded its attacks on Hezbollah from the ceasefire, while supporting Trump’s decision to suspend attacks against Iran.

Iran is likely to demonstrate flexibility and compromise on some of its demands but to remain intransigent on ecuring its core interests: regime stability and strategic deterrence capabilities in the form of nuclear potential, ballistic missiles arsenal and its support to its regional proxy network. These are the exact elements that Iran refused to give up during the negotiations with the US on the eve of the war.

With the two-week ceasefire coming into effect, the prospect of negotiations back on the table, and after failing to topple the regime or coerce it to surrender to the US and Israeli demands by military means, it is questionable whether Trump will be willing to resume the costly military campaign again.

These past weeks were a stark reminder of the limitations of force, particularly using aerial force alone. Confronting a religiously motivated rival like Iran, which promotes the narrative that mere survival is “victory”, is a very challenging task. When pushed with its back to the wall and facing a direct threat to its survival, Iran’s leadership demonstrated its readiness to suffer significant losses, heavily targeting the US Gulf states' allies and its willingness to use the global energy market as a “hostage” to create international pressure on Washington to stop its attacks.

In implementing this effective strategy, Iran had also received support from Russia and China, both in the form of intelligence as well as diplomatic assistance. Reports indicate that Moscow and Beijing enabled Tehran to accurately target US military assets in the Gulf, and at the same time denied Washington international legitimacy for its actions. This was clearly demonstrated in the recent UN Security Council resolution, which fell short of approving the use of force to break the Iranian closure of the Hormuz straits.

Nevertheless, Iran is not out of the woods yet. Its nuclear and military industrial infrastructures were severely hit and pushed back in years. The economic price of the war will further aggravate the domestic unrest and the hostility against the regime, which, only a few months ago, murdered tens of thousands of its own citizens, and is still bubbling under the ground.

Israel and the US will need to make sure that the strictest limitations possible will be enforced on Iran’s ability to rebuild its missile and nuclear capabilities. Such an effort is critical as the nature of the regime has not changed.

The war might have brought about a change in the regime's internal power balance, with new leaders as a result of the assasination of Khamenei and many of his peers, but this is far from the initial call for regime change. If anything, the regime today is more suspicious of the US and Israel than ever, and it's likely to seek revenge in the form of covert terror attacks abroad under the cover of deniability.

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About the author

Dror Doron

Dror Doron

Dror Doron is a senior political analyst specialising in the Middle East, and is a senior adviser at United Against Nuclear Iran (UANI) focusing on Hezbollah and Lebanon.

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