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HomeRead, Watch, ListenIsrael
Israel Hamas WarAnalysisIsrael

Israel’s ban on allowing media into Gaza feels increasingly self-defeating

The ban was designed to minimise images of suffering and devastation. But we have seen them anyway, while Israel has become trapped in an ever-deepening culture of denial.
Michael Visontay
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Palestinian children shove to receive a meal at a charity kitchen in the Mawasi area of Khan Yunis in the southern Gaza Strip on July 22, 2025.

Israel’s media ban has not prevented images like this one of Palestinian children at a charity kitchen in the Mawasi area of Khan Yunis in the southern Gaza Strip on July 22, 2025 (AFP via Getty Images).

Published: 4 September 2025

Last updated: 4 September 2025

The widespread reports of mass starvation in Gaza have confronted Israel with the greatest moral challenge of its war against Hamas. Its repeated denials, without compelling evidence, have plunged the government’s reputation to a new low. They have also raised questions about the wisdom of its decision to ban Western media from independent reporting in Gaza.

If The New York Times, Washington Post, CNN, BBC and others had been allowed in, would their resources, fact-checking, and comfort with contradiction have unearthed the evidence that Israel has failed to produce, to cast credible doubt on the starvation that it still claims is a Hamas fabrication?

Or would they have confirmed the existence of widespread hunger, including famine in parts of Gaza, declared by the UN food security body last week?

Until this war, generations of Israeli leaders seemed indifferent to the negative images that accumulated from years of allowing Western media to report on the conflict inside their borders. As long as military and political support continued to flow from the US, it didn’t really matter. But the sheer barbarity of October 7 crossed a line, precipitating Israel’s most controversial war. Perhaps anticipating the nature of the conflict, the government banned Western media from unaccompanied entry into Gaza.

It was a controversial step, one which feels increasingly self-defeating. The official rationale was that journalists in Gaza would be in danger; they would endanger soldiers by reporting on troop positions; and that it was too dangerous for Israeli personnel to be present at the crossings to facilitate media entry to Gaza. As a result, journalists can only enter if they agree to be accompanied by the IDF.

As Israel’s standing dwindles, the question is whether its reputation would have been worse if it had allowed Western media into Gaza. That is hard to judge.

While there is an obvious logic to each of these arguments, foreign media and other observers have rejected them as an excuse to limit the PR damage in a war fought in civilian population centres where military overreach and mistakes would expose unpalatable examples of Palestinian suffering. They have continued to press for Israel to relax the ban, especially since media have been allowed to report from other war zones.

The ban on Western media left the field open to Hamas, Al-Jazeera and other Palestinian-sourced operators. The Israeli government calculated that it would be easy to discredit their output as Hamas lies and propaganda. By contrast, if the NYT et al were allowed to report unfettered, their credibility and reach would make it much harder for Israel to discount what they saw with their own eyes.

Hospital strike rebutted

Early on, this strategy seemed to be vindicated when Hamas claimed Israel had bombed the Al-Ahli hospital in October 2023, killing 500 people. Israel insisted it did not attack the hospital. It soon emerged that the blast was from an Islamic Jihad missile that misfired and scorched a couple of square metres in a car park. Western media swallowed the Hamas lie hook, line and sinker, giving Israel solid ammunition to discount future claims about attacks on civilian targets.

But increasingly graphic reports of hospitals bombed and civilian casualties provided evidence that could not be so easily dismissed. These cases overwhelmed the IDF’s “smoking gun” evidence of tunnels and command centres, which could not be independently verified by media. The stories the Israeli government had sought to avoid gradually eroded the army’s version, exacerbated by Hamas’ invisibility, which made it seem that only civilians were suffering from Israeli military might. In 2024, the government even resorted to shutting down Al-Jazeera’s office in Ramallah to staunch the unwelcome images.

More broadly, as Israel’s offensive unfolded, the sheer scale of urban destruction, corroborated by drone footage that the military could not censor, has blasted a massive hole in its capacity to control the narrative. Although the hostage releases generated huge sympathy, and reminded Western eyes of Hamas’s brutality, the numbers have become so lopsided – a handful of hostages compared to thousands of dying Palestinian civilians – that outrage has become muted.

Western journalists' safety

Another factor in Israel’s calculus was that if Western media were allowed into Gaza and their journalists killed, the headlines would scream murder, and there was a risk of public blowback, especially from the US, which was under a Biden administration at the time.

The media ban has poured salt on a festering reputational wound.

Remember the response to the IDF errors that saw several members of the World Food Kitchen killed, including Australian Zomi Frankcom, which drew global outrage and saw Australia insist on an independent inquiry, including sending an Australian military inspector to liaise with IDF leaders?

Just under 200 journalists and media workers have been killed during this war but the vast majority have been Palestinian, and outrage generally subsided quickly. However, last month a double strike on the Nasser hospital saw five journalists killed in an attack designed to remove a Hamas surveillance camera allegedly being trained on Israeli troops. Prime Minister Netanyahu was forced to issue a rare apology, saying Israel “deeply regrets” the “tragic mishap”. 

While the loss of lives does vindicate the IDF’s argument about dangers for journalists, the justification has raised doubts about Israel’s appetite for confirming that targets are genuinely military and hostile. The backlash over Nasser demonstrated just how much credibility and goodwill it has lost.

Hamas blame game

The strategy of blaming everything on Hamas propaganda came to a head in the aftermath of Israel’s two-month aid blockade. When Israel belatedly decided to let aid in but only through the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, it had to take responsibility for what went wrong. Yet it continues to deny there is civilian starvation, which has been contradicted by just about every non-Israeli stakeholder in the conflict, from NGOs to media to foreign governments, with even the Israeli military conceding there was no proof that Hamas has stolen UN aid.

Recently Israeli media has started using its local knowledge to do what the Western media can’t: go into Gaza. Israeli journalist Nir Hasson from Haaretz, started covering Gaza to hold the IDF response to account, and managed to create a Zoom tour of a hospital ward with emaciated children to refute the government’s denial of starvation.

Blaming Hamas has worn thin. True, it is too easy for critics in distant lands to pick holes in Israel’s narrative and highlight inaccuracies, and Western media and NGOs have not done enough hard graft of subjecting Hamas claims to independent scrutiny. But the media ban has poured salt on a festering reputational wound.

The ramifications have gone beyond image problems. Recognition of Palestinian statehood by the UK, France, Canada and Australia did not come out of the blue. It was triggered by the reports of starvation, prompting a march across the Sydney Harbour Bridge, which has become a political lightning rod of its own. Many Jews, though sympathetic to civilian suffering, remained hostile to the march because it elevated Gaza, a conflict in a distant land, onto the same national platform as the landmark “Walk for Reconciliation” in 2000.

As Israel’s standing dwindles, the question is whether its reputation would have been worse if it had allowed Western media into Gaza. That is hard to judge. The world is increasingly porous, and in the age of warp speed digital media, and citizen journalism, no government, media or political movement can hope to control a narrative as it did 25 years ago.

But we can be sure that by imposing the ban, Israel signalled that it did not want the world to see what was going to unfold.

The world has seen it anyway, while Israel has become trapped in an ever-deepening culture of denial.

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About the author

Michael Visontay

Michael Visontay

Michael Visontay is Commissioning Editor of TJI and was Editor-in-Chief from 2017-22. Michael is a former Assistant Editor of The Sydney Morning Herald and columnist with The Australian Jewish News. He has written six books, including Who Gave You Permission? with Manny Waks, and Welcome to Wanderland: Western Sydney Wanderers and the Pride of the West. His most recent book is Noble Fragments: the Maverick who broke up the world's greatest book (Scribe, 2024).

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Comments2

  • Avatar of Ian Light

    Ian Light8 September at 11:09 pm

    A Complete Ceasefire Release of all Hostages an a One Hundred Thousand Rebuilding of Gaza under a Tough Competent Security Force and Empathetic Competent Humane Aid Distribution Structure is the only way forward .

  • Avatar of Graham Thorburn

    Graham Thorburn4 September at 10:33 am

    A thoughtful and well argued article. Governments might still be able to control the narrative, but they can no longer control the narrative about how the narrative is being controlled. This risks doing more damage to the narrative than they avoided in the first place. Israel needs good friends more than ever, and sometimes good friends tell you the uncomfortable truth.