Published: 10 July 2025
Last updated: 10 July 2025
In the aftermath of the recent Iran-Israel war, the prospect of peace between Israelis and Palestinians seems ever more distant. While the world focuses on the resolution of cross-border conflicts, history shows that it will be the internal politics of all parties that will ultimately drive change for the better.
After months of mass protests against Netanyahu’s anti-democratic government, the horrors of October 7, and the devastating war that followed, I became convinced that at 63, I would never witness a peace agreement.
Yet, in the past month, I have started to reconsider – not because the situation has improved, far from it – but because history shows that moments of crisis can spark seismic political change.
The Middle East is no stranger to dramatic political shifts. The first significant example is the transformation following the 1973 Yom Kippur War. Six months before, Egyptian President Anwar Sadat had declared, “the stage of total confrontation with Israel is to begin”. After heavy casualties, Israel eventually repelled the Arab forces. Though militarily inconclusive, the war had profound political consequences.
Post-1973 transformation
Just four years later, in November 1977, Sadat stunned the world by declaring he was willing to travel to the ends of the earth to protect Egyptian lives. In an unprecedented move, he traveled to Israel’s Knesset, becoming the first Arab leader to address the Israeli parliament. By September 1978, the Camp David Accords were signed, and in March 1979, Egypt and Israel formalised peace.
In just over five years, the geopolitics of the region had been transformed.





Comments2
Simon Krite12 July at 06:41 am
Ric Benjamin’s piece is well-intentioned and hopeful. But it rests on two faulty foundations: the idea of an ongoing Israeli “occupation,” and the assumption that peace is blocked by Israel, not Palestinian leadership. Let’s clear the smoke.
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1. The Myth of “Occupation”
Ric writes that the First Intifada “erupted after two decades of Israeli occupation.” Let’s stop there.
• Israel left Gaza in 2005. Every soldier. Every settler. What followed? Not peace but a Hamas takeover, rocket fire, and tunnels into Israeli towns. Gaza could’ve become Singapore. It chose jihad.
• The West Bank is disputed territory, not “occupied Palestinian land.” This isn’t fringe rhetoric at all, it’s consistent with international law. Under UN Security Council Resolution 242, Israel was not required to withdraw from “all the territories” captured in 1967. Why? Because there was no sovereign Palestinian state prior it was Jordanian territory.
• The term “occupation” is thrown around as if Israel randomly strolled into a functioning Palestinian state and seized control. In truth, there has never been a Palestinian state. Ever. Not in Gaza, not in the West Bank, not in history.
• The PA was given autonomy in most West Bank cities under the Oslo Accords. The IDF remains active largely where terror threats remain. If those went away, so would Israel’s presence.
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2. Saudi Arabia Doesn’t Want Hamas. And It’s Not About “Palestinian Elections”
Ric presents an idealistic view where Saudi Arabia leads a peacekeeping mission if Palestinians hold elections. He implies this is about internal reform. In reality:
• Saudi Arabia wants Hamas gone not for democracy’s sake, but because Hamas is an Iranian proxy. And Saudi Arabia has no interest in Iran’s agents holding Gaza, threatening Israel, or destabilising Sunni influence.
• Reports from Saudi and Gulf intelligence circles are blunt: Hamas is the problem, not the pathway. MBS isn’t waiting for Palestinian elections. He’s waiting for a Hamas-free Gaza.
• The Abraham Accords didn’t fail because of the “occupation.” They succeeded because moderate Arab states are done waiting for Palestinian leadership to stop sabotaging progress. The Saudis are in line next but they won’t move with Hamas in charge.
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3. Yair Golan and the Israeli Political Reality
Ric paints Golan as a peace broker. In truth:
• Golan is polling at the margins and has minimal public support.
• His party, “Democrats,” barely registers in most Israeli polls. Even the centre-left in Israel understands that October 7 changed everything and the appetite for sweeping concessions has collapsed.
• Any politician proposing unilateral moves after the worst massacre of Jews since the Holocaust is not winning elections, they’re joining the sidelines.
Ric’s fantasy of ultra-Orthodox exemption in return for a Palestinian state is politically naïve. The Haredim want benefits, yes, but not at the price of strategic suicide.
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4. What Peace Could Look Like. But On Israel’s Terms
Ric quotes Sadat’s visit to the Knesset. Good. But Sadat came after Egypt recognised Israel, abandoned terrorism, and made peace conditional on normalisation. Israel responded in kind. That’s how peace is made.
What Israel needs is a Palestinian Sadat someone who:
• Recognises Israel as a Jewish state
• Abandons armed struggle
• Ends the “right of return” fantasy
• Builds institutions, not tunnels
This isn’t radical. It’s basic. And until then, talk of “two states” is premature.
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5. Reality Check: Why There’s No Palestinian State
There could’ve been a state:
• In 1947 (UN Partition Plan) – rejected.
• In 2000 (Camp David) – Arafat walked away.
• In 2008 (Olmert offer) – Abbas never replied.
• In 2020 (Trump plan) – dismissed without reading.
The pattern? The word “no” always comes from the Palestinian side.
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FINAL THOUGHT
Ric’s optimism is admirable, but it’s built on illusions: that “occupation” is the core issue, that Hamas and the PA are reformable, and that Israel just needs to offer more.
The truth? The Palestinian tragedy isn’t about land. It’s about leadership and a culture that rewards martyrdom more than modernity.
If peace is to come, it will come after Hamas is dismantled, the PA is replaced, and Arab states like Saudi Arabia back a real roadmap that starts with recognising Israel’s right to exist.
Until then, let’s not pretend the stumbling block is Israel. It’s not.
David Schulberg10 July at 12:05 pm
Oct 7th took consideration of a two-state solution off the table for the immediate future. The vast majority of Israelis oppose it now and they are the ones with skin in the game, not pipe dreamers who keep fantasising incessantly about a two state solution.