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Feature

Trial looms, dissent grows, no budget – Bibi manouevres for an election

Eetta Prince-Gibson
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Published: 15 October 2020

Last updated: 4 March 2024

EETTA PRINCE-GIBSON: But even that looks risky, as the rise of alternative right-wing leaders erodes the idea that only he is fit to run the country. The national dysfunction is approaching boiling point

FOR THE FIRST TIME in three incarnations, the Knesset reconvened on Monday, October 12, following its summer recess. The past two Knessets never even completed their first sessions before Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu dissolved them and sent the country to elections.

This year, the MKs took a shorter summer break than usual, as if, in the midst of the pandemic, a collapsing economy, and public unrest, they had urgent work to do.  But in the shadow of the severely dysfunctional government, the Knesset is practically paralysed. It is highly unlikely that it will live out the full winter term, which ends in March.

The government coalition, made up of 35 ministers and nine deputy ministers, was established in May , after the third round of elections within a year failed to produce a decisive result. With neither Netanyahu   Gantz  able to form a coalition, Gantz and his Blue and White party became convinced that the only way to save the country from another election and to deal with the impending health crisis was to enter into a unity government with Netanyahu – something that Gantz had repeatedly promised his voters that he would never do because Netanyahu is on criminal trial for three cases of bribery, fraud and breach of trust.

But Gantz seemed to feel that he had to "take one for the team" – the team being the State of Israel.

The coalition agreement was painfully hammered out, including the provision that in November, 2021, Gantz would replace Netanyahu as prime minister. However, as commentator Ben Caspit has noted, Gantz and his parties, most of them political newbies, seemed to be the only ones who believed that Netanyahu would ever honour the agreement.

After all, wrote Caspit, who has followed Netanyahu's political career for years, "Netanyahu has never made good on a single political agreement throughout his career".

[gallery columns="1" size="full" ids="38846"]

Those close to Netanyahu now readily admit, according to Caspit, that he has no intention of handing over the premiership to Gantz when the time comes. And knowing that Gantz destroyed his standing with his voters by joining the government and has little or no clout, they are becoming increasingly bold in violating the coalition agreement and attempting to advance anti-democratic legislation, including provisions that would defer Netanyahu's trial, curtail protests, and limit the powers of the Supreme Court.

In the past few weeks, in an apparent attempt to reassert themselves and their political standing, Gantz and his party have gone on the offensive.

"You broke the agreement between us," Gantz wrote in a letter to Netanyahu. "Sadly, a great valley stands between us and the pledge of unity that we've signed…The government's conduct does not allow for the existence of good governance for the citizens of Israel."

Coalition whip Miki Zohar, a staunch Netanyahu-defender retorted: “Blue and White continues to deal with small politics to divert the fire from their collapsing party, at a time when the prime minister is fighting the coronavirus. We would be glad to see Gantz resolve his internal problems, but not by starting quarrels that will lead Israel to an election.”

Indeed, members of the government are so busy trading barbs that they seem to have little time and even less energy for dealing with the corona crisis and the economic disaster it has brought in its wake.

The government convenes only intermittently, and even the meetings scheduled for immediately after the Jewish holidays to decide on the extension or easing of the lockdown due to the spike in the spread of the virus, has been postponed several times. Assaf Zamir, Minister of Tourism from Blue White has resigned; others are threatening to do so.

In addition to the provision that Gantz will replace Netanyahu in just over one year, the power-sharing deal also states that if any party breaks up the coalition to call an election, the other party automatically takes the premiership in the lead-up to a fresh national vote.

This was meant to ensure that the parties would be forced to stay together and not constantly destabilise the government by threatening to bolt into an election campaign.

However, knowing that he would want the freedom to decide whether or not he would call elections around his trial, which resumes in January, 2020, Netanyahu made sure to provide himself with an exit window to elections without losing his perch as prime minister.  Failure to pass the state budget by the legal deadline - December 23 - will automatically lead to elections, with the prime minister keeping his post.

Netanyahu has made it clear that he is in no hurry to bring that budget to the Knesset for approvable. Gantz and his party have made the passage of the budget as an ultimatum to Netanyahu and the Likud, warning that they will go to elections or attempt to have Netanyahu replaced, but all of them know that it is an empty threat, since they seem decimated by Netanyahu's manoeuvring and have no public standing.

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Knowing this, and that he can count on his majority in the Knesset, Netanyahu is biding his time so that he can return to court from the most advantageous position possible. He and his finance minister, loyalist Israel Katz, could conceivably wait until the last possible day, December 23, which would mean that Israel would pass a budget that would be relevant for only seven days.  If they decide not to, the Knesset will automatically dissolve, the country will have elections in March, and Netanyahu will campaign as the incumbent.

But even if they do pass the budget, Netanyahu still has another possibility. Since the new budget will be valid only until December 31 the Knesset will have to pass another budget, this time, according to the agreement, for two years. And if they don't, the Knesset will dissolve, elections will be in June, and Netanyahu will campaign as the incumbent.

Because of the repeated elections, there has not been a budget for over two years.  By law, this means that the government ministries and other allied agencies operate on a monthly allocation according to the budget of 2017.  As a result, they are unable to plan, to allocate funds for long-term projects, or to implement programs that require large initial outlays of funds.

In this regard, President Reuven Rivlin, speaking at the opening of the winter session this week, admonished: "for two years now, the State of Israel is working without a budget. The education system cannot find a clear way to manage the challenge of distance learning, and many students are falling behind, the digital gap is widening, and we may lose a future generation."
When Netanyahu’s trial  resumes in January, it will convene three times a week. If the judge determines that he must show up, his political opponents will likely appeal to the Supreme Court to have Netanyahu declared as incapacitated and incapable of conducting the affairs of state.

When Netanyahu’s trial  resumes in January, it will convene three times a week.  Justice Rivka Friedman-Feldman, who will preside over the three-panel court, has yet to rule whether Netanyahu must be present in person at all, or any, of these sessions.

If she determines that he must show up, his political opponents will likely appeal to the Supreme Court to have Netanyahu declared as incapacitated and incapable of conducting the affairs of state.

As Netanyahu insists on keeping all his options open as he approaches his trial, the government, and with it the entire country, are in chaos, according to Yossi Verter, writing in the liberal Haaretz daily.

In the most recent lockdown, as mortality and morbidity from the coronavirus spiralled seemingly out of control, Netanyahu took advantage of the situation by limiting the right to demonstrate against him as part of the lockdown measures. But as The Jewish Independent  reported in early October, his efforts backfired, and the demonstrations have grown in numbers and energy.

Increasing numbers of citizens, brought together by social media and ad-hoc organizing, are giving expression to their frustration at the lack of management, corruption and lack of personal example, cynicism, and lack of hope.

Netanyahu, the media reports, is obsessed by these demonstrations. Indeed, in a meeting scheduled to discuss with ways to cope with and curb the corona virus, the cabinet, led by Netanyahu, spent two and a half hours discussing ways to limit the demonstrations – a step which Blue and White views as anti-democratic and which would, in any case, most likely be struck down by the Supreme Court.

Perhaps Netanyahu has reason to be obsessed.  According to recent polls, if elections were held today,  If Likud would pick up 26 seats in the 120-seat Knesset, while Naftali Bennett’s Yamina would win 23. In March’s elections, Likud won 36 seats, and Yamina just six. (Blue and White is polling at less than ten seats, having won 33 in March.
In a meeting scheduled to discuss with ways to cope with and curb the corona virus, the cabinet, led by Netanyahu, spent two and a half hours discussing ways to limit the demonstrations.

A key part of Netanyahu's strategy has been damaged: until now, he and his entire party have maintained that he cannot be replaced, and that he, and only he, is fit to run the country.  But now the polls appear to be saying differently. And in the background, there are already signs that new centrist parties may be emerging, including one that might be headed by Tel Aviv Mayor Ron Huldai.

As the disarray continues, the public unrest grows, and the dysfunction increases, Rivlin provided what may be the best summary of the situation in concluding his remarks to the Knesset.

"Friends, these are volatile times," he cautioned. "Israeli tribalism is bursting through the cracks, and fingers of blame are pointed by one part of society toward the other. Stop! Please stop!"

READ MORE
Netanyahu's opponents on the Right are getting stronger, and they could take him down (Haaretz)
Naftali Bennett’s Yamina party is soaring in the polls, but stitching together an alternative coalition will prove more challenging

Gantz says will seek new election if budget crisis persists, would back anyone but Netanyahu (Haaretz)
In private talks, Netanyahu’s main coalition partner says his party could vote for dissolving parliament, won’t rule out supporting right-wing leader Bennett for prime minister

Cartoon Eran Wolkowski
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About the author

Eetta Prince-Gibson

Eetta Prince-Gibson, who lives in Jerusalem, was previously Editor-in-Chief of The Jerusalem Report, is the Israel Editor for Moment Magazine and a regular contributor to Haaretz, The Forward, PRI, and other Israeli and international publications.

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