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HomeRead, Watch, ListenIsrael
Israel Hamas WarFeatureIsrael

Economic recovery vies with political expediency as Israel heads into election year

Critics accuse government of allocating money to pet causes such as settlements and haredim instead of crucial infrastructure and broad growth.
Ben Lynfield
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Mosaic of Israeli shekel notes

Israeli shekels, the currency of an economy facing post-war and political challenges (TJI)

Published: 12 November 2025

Last updated: 14 November 2025

Leading Israeli economists fear the government is poised to undermine post-war economic recovery by pursuing electoral advantages instead of placing Israel on track for meeting its growth potential.

Elections must be held by November 2026 and will be the first test of Benjamin Netanyahu’s right-wing coalition since October 7, 2023 and the Gaza War.

Finance minister Bezalel Smotrich has foreshadowed a tax cut, which critics view as an election bribe, and reduced defence spending, which has been criticised by security experts.

Smotrich is the leader of the Religious Zionist party, which has pushed the Netanyahu government to the far right and recently issued a document outlining vast outlays for recent settlement growth.

Short-term expediency

Israel’s economy grew at a rate of only one percent in 2024, compared to an annual average of 3.7 percent for the 15 years before the war. The war, including damage inflicted by Hamas, Hezbollah and Iran cost about 300 billion shekels ($A142 billion) or 15% of Gross Domestic Product.

Ceasefire offers economic hope. The credit agency Standard and Poor’s upgraded Israel’s rating as a result of the Gaza ceasefire.

But there are concerns that the government may squander the opportunity for growth for short-term political gain. “The biggest concern is that the government is just worried about winning the election and staying in power,” says Dan Ben-David, director of the Shoresh Institution, an economic and social policy think tank.

“The big picture is that we just went through a huge war with an enormous amount of damage,” explained Ben-David, who teaches at Tel Aviv University. “We need to rebuild parts of the south and parts of the north. We have to rebuild the army and we have to rebuild shattered lives. It’s going to be a huge strain on the budget.”

“Instead of allocating the amounts we have, which will not be sufficient for doing those things, they are allocating money for themselves, for the settlements, for the haredim, for everything else they care about. They could win the election and trash the economy.”

Smotrich is preparing a budget he describes as “from war to growth”.  At its heart is a tax cut which critics view as an election bribe. “It will be a significant tax cut that will encourage going out to work and will leave money for households,” he said.

Haifa University economist Benjamin Bental takes a dim view of the tax cut idea. “It doesn’t make sense. It looks like an election year thing. The labour market is tight so there is no issue of enticing people to go to work. It’s basically a pure transfer.”

Defence spending cuts

Smotrich says the tax cut will be enabled by cuts to defence spending. “The military is armed today in a scope we have never been seen before. But now, balance is needed,” he said.

Security experts have criticised  the push to reduce defence spending, in the light of risks to Israel on multiple fronts. “In our present situation it is extreme lack of responsibility to speak of cutting the defence budget,” said Maj-Gen (retired) Yaacov Amidror, former director of the National Security Council said.

“We are in the middle of war. We have dealt a very strong blow to Hamas, Hezbollah and Iran but none of them has been liquidated yet. The state of Israel must not live under illusions and needs to get ready for the next round.”

Long-term investment needed

The challenge of recovery is not only to repair, but also to set Israel on a track for high growth rates.

Bental says Israel will have to deal with longstanding issues that preceded October 7 to make its economy more robust, including boosting employment among Arabs and the ultra-Orthodox, particularly Arab women and Haredi men.

These changes require better investment in education and supervision of Haredi schools, which are failing to prepare young people for the labour market, he said.

Infrastructure is another key area that needs attention and budgets if the economy is to reach higher growth rates. “Transport is in very bad shape if you compare it internationally. It’s an area where investment pays off in a big way, but things have been lagging and dragged around for decades.” As an example of sluggishness, he cites plans to introduce a subway system for greater Tel Aviv which are being hampered by mismanagement and politics.

Bental says conditions for recovery are falling into place, but he doubts the coalition will choose the right policies to build on them. “The mere fact that we seem to be out of this very acute military crisis, things seem to be calmer and fear of sanctions subsided, all these elements are bringing the economic atmosphere a long way towards where we were in September 2023 and changing the way people think about the Israeli economy.”

“What is needed are growth-enhancing policies focused on education and infrastructure,” he says. “This is where the government has to do deep policy change. Whether it is politically feasible or not is a big issue, but it is crucial.”

Spending on settlements

Smotrich’s Religious Zionist party seems more interested in settlement growth than economic growth.

Massive expansion of the settlement enterprise in the West Bank, including building and widening roads across the West Bank, were presented as a historic achievement in a document released by Smotrich’s Religious Zionism party released last Tuesday.

In particular, the document emphasised the establishment of settler ranch outposts, which have grown from only a few when this government took office in November 2022 to 130 now.

While all settlements in the occupied territory violate international law, ranching outposts also violate Israeli law unless and until they are retroactively legalised by the government.

Peace Now senior staffer Hagit Ofran says the inhabitants of these outposts have accounted for much of the soaring settler violence against Palestinian civilians during the current olive harvest.

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About the author

Ben Lynfield

Ben Lynfield

Ben Lynfield covered Israeli and Palestinian politics for The Independent and served as Middle Eastern affairs correspondent at The Jerusalem Post. He writes for publications in the region and has contributed to the Christian Science Monitor, Foreign Policy and the New Statesman.

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