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HomeRead, Watch, ListenIsrael
FeatureIsrael

Why Gaza erupted and what the violence achieved

Eetta Prince-Gibson
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Published: 9 August 2022

Last updated: 5 March 2024

EETTA PRINCE-GIBSON: Israel made it clear that it would not tolerate threats from Palestinian Islamic Jihad but the operation may do nothing for long term security.

As Israelis marked the end of the Tisha B'Av fast, at 11:30 pm on Sunday evening, a ceasefire between Israel and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) went into effect, putting an end to the three-day "Breaking Dawn" military campaign.

Without a doubt, Israeli officials can sum up these three days as a success. But what did we really achieve?

According to an Israel Defense Forces (IDF) spokesperson, during the campaign, Israeli forces eliminated the PIJ’s military leaders in northern and southern Gaza, along with southern Gaza’s deputy head and the commander of the terror group’s Rafah Brigade. It also killed the head of the group’s anti-tank missile array.

Tactical wins are not enough. Israel still has no vision for a better future.

PIJ fired close to 950 rockets towards Israel over the three days.  According to the IDF, of these, 160 fell short and landed in the Gaza Strip, several hundred were intercepted by the Iron Dome air defense system, and most fell in open areas within Israel.

According to the Palestinian Health Ministry, 44 Gazans were killed, among them 15 children and teenagers.  Israel claims that eight of these children and teenagers were killed by rockets fired by PIJ that landed in their own territory.  There were no Israeli deaths, no serious casualties, and little property damage.

Israel's first goal was to draw a clear distinction between Hamas and the PIJ and between Gaza and the West Bank.  PIJ dubbed the operation, "Unity of the Arenas," but there was no such unity, and the West Bank mostly remained quiet. 

PIJ tried to pull Jerusalem into the conflict, as it has in the past, and threw some of its rockets at towns close to the capital, yet Jerusalem remained calm. Even Israeli pyromaniac provocateurs, such as Itamar Ben Gvir, who insisted on ascending the Temple Mount, the location of one of Islam's holiest sites, in the midst of the fighting, did not lead to rioting or civil disturbances.

Nor did the Palestinians living within Israel get involved.  A few straggly demonstrations were called in mixed cities, but there were none of the tensions, violent rioting, or casualties that took place during last year's Guardian of the Walls operation.

Israel made it clear that it would not tolerate threats to Israeli security or even to the routine of Israeli civilian life. Following arrest of Bassam al-Saadi, head of Islamic Jihad in the northern West Bank, PIJ made overt threats to avenge his capture by targeting Israeli civilians and soldiers near the Gaza border. In response, Israel imposed curfew a defensive semi-lockdown for a few days in the region and deployed some reserve units.  PIJ never fired, but Israel took what it refers to as preemptive action with "Breaking Dawn."

Israel has made it clear that it sees Hamas as responsible for restraining the PIJ and for maintaining order in the Gaza Strip.

Israel was once again able to show off its intelligence and defensive capabilities. Precise intelligence allowed for strikes against the highest echelons of PIJ with few civilian deaths on the Palestinian side and none on the Israeli side, while the complex system of Israeli civilian and military defences proved themselves once again.

Moreover, this time, Israel knew how to get out before its tactical successes turned into abysmal fiasco, as has happened so often in the past.  Before the inevitable errant strike that killed numerous civilians undermined the support Israel enjoyed from its allies, especially the United States.  Before the West Bank, or Jerusalem, or Palestinian Israeli citizens joined the fray. Before Gaza ran completely out of fuel and its infrastructure utterly collapsed, creating a humanitarian crisis that even the jaded world could not ignore. Before the world stopped believing IDF-released videos that show Israeli fighter pilots making every effort to avoid harming civilians.

And even the more cynical among us, who believe that all Israeli actions are motivated by internal political considerations, must admit that Prime Minister Yair Lapid boosted his own credibility. Lapid has no military credentials, but he showed that a prime minister like him can conduct a successful military operation.

The price of the cease fire hasn't been too high, either. According to media reports, PIJ has agreed to stop firing rockets into Israel, and Israel has merely agreed "to discuss" PIJ's demand to release high-profile prisoners from Israeli jails.

But Israel reached these goals, according to Brig. Gen. (res) Meir Elran, the former Deputy Commander of Military Intelligence and current head of the Homeland Security Program at the National Institute for Security Studies, who spoke to the foreign press, only because these goals are "minor and tactical."

Tactical "wins" are not enough. While Israeli politicians, in the midst of the newest election campaign, bask in the light of their achievements, Israel has not changed its reliance on tactics rather than strategy and still has no vision for a better future.

The bombs that fell on PIJ targets were meant primarily to send a message to Hamas.  Hamas heard the message, and responded by declining to join in the fighting, but I'm not sure that Israel is listening to its response.

Israel has made it clear that it sees Hamas as responsible for restraining the PIJ and for maintaining order in the Gaza Strip. While Hamas offered some minor rhetoric of support to PIJ, it did not involve itself in the fighting.  In fact, Hamas had sent a delegation to Cairo to discuss its plans for rebuilding Gaza, prisoner releases, and other matters.

Is this the best we can hope for Learning to dash faster, stock more efficiently, and calm more competently?

 But if Hamas is to be held responsible, then Israel must acknowledge when it takes that responsibility, and especially its civic responsibilities for the welfare of the residents of the Gaza Strip, to heart. To this end, Israel should allow the money from Qatar in to the strip to pay for salaries and supplies; increase the number of work and humanitarian permits to Israel; and allow goods and materials into the Strip.

And Israel should seriously consider negotiating with Hamas.  We are anyway, indirectly and even directly, as the current cease fire and previous prisoner releases have shown.

I do not believe that Hamas has changed its ideological goal of destroying Israel.  But at least it sees the rebuilding of Gaza, the economic improvement of its citizens and the building of broad public support as important, if only as way-stages along the road to its ultimate goal.  PIJ has no interest in any of this, even in the interim.  But I do believe that, in direct and mediated negotiations, we can build-in the protections, which we've already shown that we have, to ensure our security. We've shown we're strong, but real strength means that we know how to use our power.

We could change the tactical paradigm into a possibly hopeful strategic paradigm of peace. Instead, we have heard Israeli officials, speaking gleefully on Israel radio, commending Israeli civilians for their discipline and communal responsibilities.  Yes, we have learned very well how to dash to shelters, how to stock our safe rooms, and how to try to calm frightened children. 

Is this the best we can hope for? Learning to dash faster, stock more efficiently, and calm more competently?

Operation "Breaking Dawn" was meant to create divisions – between Hamas and PIJ, Gaza and the rest of the Palestinians, the Palestinians and the rest of the world.  It's time that Israel attempt to create the only divisions that really matter, the only distinctions that can promise a better future: between those, on both sides, who want to continue the violence and the hatred, and those, on both sides, who believe that we, and our children, deserve better.

Photo: Gaza residents inspect their home after an Israeli attack (Fatima Shbair/AAP)

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About the author

Eetta Prince-Gibson

Eetta Prince-Gibson, who lives in Jerusalem, was previously Editor-in-Chief of The Jerusalem Report, is the Israel Editor for Moment Magazine and a regular contributor to Haaretz, The Forward, PRI, and other Israeli and international publications.

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