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HomeRead, Watch, ListenIsrael
AnalysisIsraelWorld

Faced with Iran stalemate, Washington has three choices, all bad

The US wildly underestimated the effectiveness of a war on Iran. Now it must find a way to manage a peace
Dror Doron
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Iran US War negotiations

Veiled pro-government supporters walk beneath portraits of civilians and military personnel during a ceremony to commemorate those killed in US-Israeli military operations, in Tehran on May 24, 2026, as negotiations continue over the outcome of the war (Morteza Nikoubazl/NurPhoto via Getty Images)

Published: 4 June 2026

Last updated: 4 June 2026

Since the ceasefire between the United States and Iran was announced on April 7, thousands of words have been exchanged in ongoing negotiations, but they have failed to secure an agreement that would restore stability to the region.

The dynamics of these negotiations, which are mediated by Pakistan, highlight the contrasting perceptions of the war’s outcome held by the rival decision-makers in Tehran and Washington. While President Trump and his administration point to the significant military and leadership losses suffered by the Iranian regime, the Iranian perspective is almost diametrically opposed.

From Iran's viewpoint, it has successfully weathered a conflict initiated by the so-called “Big Satan” – the US – the world’s foremost superpower, which has failed to unseat the Islamic Republic. For a regime that adheres to a “resistance” ideology and equates survival with victory, the war serves as definitive proof of its resilience.

This mentality fuels Iran's self-confidence as it negotiates with the US as an equal, which is reflected in its outright rejection of American demands, deemed tantamount to total surrender. After all, if one believes they have triumphed in war, why would they concede the terms proposed by the other side for a permanent agreement?

This psychological stance is further reinforced by the fact that not only did the US fail to topple the regime, but it also could not eliminate or destroy the 440 kilograms of highly enriched uranium, which brings Iran dangerously close to developing a nuclear weapon. To make things even more complicated, during the war Iran was able to conjure yet another strategic pressure toll through its ability to dramatically disturb the global energy market by choking the Hormuz Strait.

Under these circumstances, it is no surprise that Iran is unwilling to meet US demands, and after nearly a month of negotiations, the divide between the parties remains unbridgeable.

At the heart of this problematic US stance lies a profound misunderstanding of the Iranian mindset. Officials in the Trump administration face a regime whose cost-benefit calculations are heavily influenced by religious motivations and which is willing to sacrifice its own people.

This cultural chasm was demonstrated a few days before the war broke in late February, when Steve Witkoff, the US top negotiator, exposed that Trump was wandering why the Iranians “haven't capitulated” to Washington’s demands under the military force the US amassed in the region.  

War has made little difference. Iran continues to reject US demands, leaving President Trump to choose from a range of unpalatable options: resuming military operations; scaling back his stated demands in order to reach an agreement that accepts Iran’s conditions: or simply cutting his losses and leaving the situation unresolved.

All indications suggest that neither Trump nor his advisers are eager to renew military campaigns. It is increasingly doubtful that any remaining military or regime targets could alter Iranian calculations effectively. Striking Iran’s largely untouched energy sector is seen as too risky, as it would likely provoke massive retaliatory attacks on Qatari, Saudi, and Emirati energy infrastructure – a price the US is unwilling to pay.

It is more possible that the US will unilaterally disengage. Trump has resorted to this tactic before, most notably after the failed military campaign against the Houthis in Yemen last year that was aimed at breaking the maritime blockade enforced by this Iranian proxy in the Red Sea. After weeks of airstrikes on Houthi positions, which resulted in minimal change to their capabilities or intentions, Trump declared “victory,” that the Houthis had surrendered, and brought the US campaign to a halt. The Houthis, however, continue to maintain their blockade, effectively closing Israel’s southern port of Eilat and leading major global shipping companies to circumvent the Red Sea, opting instead to navigate around Africa, via the Cape of Good Hope.

An American attempt to disengage from negotiations with Iran will likely result in a highly unstable situation in the Gulf. Consequently, it is probable that Qatar and Saudi Arabia will pursue independent bilateral agreements with Iran to ensure their energy exports through the straits. Such a scenario would further solidify Iran’s status as a regional power and be widely perceived as a significant victory for Tehran.

Trump is unlikely to publicly announce that he is scaling back demands. But at this juncture, it appears that the US is once again leaning toward a two-phase agreement aimed at addressing an intractable situation. In this framework, the first phase would focus on the urgent need to stabilise the ceasefire and reopen the Strait of Hormuz, while postponing all other issues for later discussion.

This approach has proven beneficial in recent dealings in Gaza and Lebanon, where it facilitated ceasefires, but did little to resolve the foundational questions surrounding the disarmament of Hamas and Hezbollah, setting the stage for future tensions.

Applying this model to the Iranian situation would effectively mean reverting to the status quo ante prior to the war. In doing so, Tehran would gain crucial time to restore its military capabilities and stabilise its regime, all while making no concessions on the vital issue of its nuclear ambitions.

Faced with a range of unfavourable options, it seems that after the tumultuous 38 days of Operation “Epic Fury,” a continuing scenario of long and frustrating negotiations with Iran regarding its nuclear capabilities is the least of possible evils.

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About the author

Dror Doron

Dror Doron

Dror Doron is a senior political analyst specialising in the Middle East, and is a senior adviser at United Against Nuclear Iran (UANI) focusing on Hezbollah and Lebanon.

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Comments1

  • Avatar of judy

    judy4 June at 09:46 am

    [two-phase agreement] has proven beneficial in recent dealings in Gaza and Lebanon, where it facilitated ceasefires …

    “Ceasefire” in Gaza and Lebanon?

    There’s *NO* “ceasefire” either place, unless tens and hundreds of deaths and hundreds and thousands of injuries are a “ceasefire.”

    In Gaza’s “ceasefire,” Israel was “given” 53% of Gaza, then it took 58%, now 64%, and Netanyahu pledges to take 70% – without caring about casualties.

    In Lebanon’s “ceasefire,” Israel was “given” a large security zone, and demanded full emptying of South Lebanon to the Litani River, and then further north.

    Yes, please: disarm Hamas and Hezbollah, and let’s not pretend anything about a “ceasefire.”

    …

    As for the “three choices” America has with Iran … I cannot find “three choices” anywhere in the article; apologies if I’m blind.

    Two-phase negotiations with Iran would work just as well as they’re working in Gaza and Lebanon: not at all. In military, economic, humanitarian, and other ways, America’s proven to be an *UN*reliable ally. So let America withdraw unilaterally and stop the bloodshed we’re causing.